Disability Diagnoses Identified by the American Community Survey 6-Question Sequence

Research on economic need in the United States dates back at least to Jacob Riis's classic 1890 book, How the Other Half Lives. In the century since that publication, government efforts to reduce poverty have expanded enormously. Along with the expansion of anti-poverty programs, the demand for research on the nature of economic need in this country has mushroomed. A primary motivation for beginning the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) was to provide more and better information on families' level of eco­ nomic need and their use of government programs. This paper analyzes the ex­ tent to which SIPP has fulfilled that promise and presents recommendations for further changes and improvements in SIPP that might make it more useful to those who want to investigate poverty and anti-poverty programs. Data on income and program participation serve four basic functions in un­ derstanding poverty. First, income statistics are used to calculate measures of economic need, such as the official poverty rate, which are used as a measure of economic and social progress. Second, comparative measures of economic need across different subgroups of the population provide a measure of the relative progress and well-being of different groups in society, and help focus attention on those whose needs remain unmet. Third, data on program partici­ pation and family income provide information on who receives government transfer income and on how effective these programs are in reducing economic need. Fourth, repeated observations over time provide evidence on how all of these issues evolve. In particular, as anti-poverty programs and the macro

One of the methods of increased privacy protection is the creation of synthetic data sets. In this article we consider the differences that emerge between synthetic and nonsynthetic data in one of the very few attempts to create a synthetic data file for a major household survey data set, the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP). The data we use are nonsynthetic and synthetic versions of the SIPP linked to administrative earnings histories, known as the SIPP Gold Standard File (GSF) and the SIPP Synthetic Beta (SSB), respectively. We present a set of results on short-run earnings dynamics estimated on both the SSB and the GSF, focusing on earnings volatility—the variance of short-run earnings growth rates—as well as an error components decomposition of inequality into permanent and transitory components. We find that short-run instability—both volatility and the transitory component of earnings inequality—is higher in the SSB than the GSF although the differences are somewhat dependent on modeling choices and the treatment of low earnings. Differences between the two data sets emerge both because cross-sectional inequality is higher in the SSB than in the GSF and because the dynamics of earnings over both shorter and longer periods appear to be different.

The dynamics of participation in government programs can be studied using longitudinal data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP). This paper examines some of the issues involved in such analysis, focusing first on the kinds of analysis that SIPP data allow. The second section discusses the major problems with the SIPP that complicate longitudinal analyses. A concluding section suggests changes that could simplify and improve the data.

The authors use data from the 1984 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) to investigate whether employer-provided health insurance reduced worker mobility (a phenomenon termed job-lock). The SIPP provides information on variables--particularly pension receipt, job tenure, and spouse job change--that were omitted from previous surveys and are, the authors argue, key to the estimation of well-defined mobility models. For dual-earner married men and women, the authors estimate a model that accounts for the interaction between husbands' and wives' job change decisions. For both married and single individuals, the results provide fairly strong evidence of job-lock among women, but only weak indications of job-lock among men. The authors speculate that this finding reflects higher health care use by women than by men.

The average age of grandparents in the U.S. in 2022 was 68 years. Grandparenthood is more common among older adults (aged 65 and older) than those in midlife (aged 40-64). In 2022, the percentage of older adults who were grandparents (67%) was more than 2.5 times greater than the percentage among those in midlife (24%). Data from the 2023 panel of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) are used to update Wu, 2018 & Westrick-Payne, 2023 comparing midlife grandparents to those at older ages across demographic characteristics in 2022. The SIPP is a nationally representative household-based survey that directly asks respondents if they are a grandparent, making it one of the few national surveys that identify non-resident grandparents. This profile is number three in our 2024 series on grandparents in the U.S.

In this paper, we consider the role of all work limiting health conditions on divorce behavior but we distinguish between less (exogenous) predictable versus more (endogenous) predictable shocks. We divide the reported health conditions in the 2004 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) into those that appear to arrive randomly conditional on age for married men and women versus those that appear to be more predictable. The six work limiting health conditions that appear to arrive largely exogenously are cancer, carpal tunnel syndrome, deafness or serious trouble hearing, paralysis, thyroid trouble and tumor cyst or growth. How the onset of work limiting conditions then affects divorce is studied across different demographic groups. The primary result of the study is that the onset of health problems that are unpredictable generally does not increase the likelihood of divorce while the divorce behavior is closely related to the onset or evolution of a broader, arguably endogenous set of health conditions. However, the patterns of response are shown to vary by race and ethnicity. For example, the onset of health conditions that do appear to be statistically related to demographic factors known to correlate with poor health behaviors appear to be associated with a statistically significant increase in the probability of divorce particularly among minority (Black and Hispanic) groups. The data used in the study are drawn from the SIPP, particularly from the topical module on “work disability history”, and the retrospective histories are used to construct a panel over the individuals’ lives. The primary estimation method is a panel linear probability model with fixed-effects.

We propose a new methodology that does not assume a prior specification of the statistical properties of the measurement errors and treats all sources as noisy measures of some underlying true value. The unobservable true value can be represented as a weighted average of all available measures, using weights that must be specified a priori unless there has been a truth audit. The Census Bureau's Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) survey jobs are linked to Social Security Administration earnings data, creating two potential annual earnings observations. The reliability statistics for both sources are quite similar except for cases where the SIPP used imputations for some missing monthly earnings reports.

The self-reported number of workdays missed due to injury or illness, or sick days, is a reliable measure of health among working-aged adults. Although sick days is a relatively underexplored health-related outcome in migration studies, it can provide a multidimensional understanding of immigrant wellbeing and integration. Current understandings of the association between migration status and sick days are limited for two reasons. First, in the United States, few nationally representative surveys collect migration status information. Second, researchers lack consensus on the most reliable approach for assigning migration status. We use the 2008 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) to examine sick days and draw comparisons between two methods for assigning migration status—a logical approach and a survey approach. The logical method assigns migration status to foreign-born respondents based on characteristics such as government employment or welfare receipt, while the survey approach relies on self-reported survey responses. Sick days among immigrants was correlated with and predicted by other health conditions available in the SIPP. Comparisons of sick days by migration status vary based on migration assignment approach. Lawful Permanent Residents (LPRs) reported more sick days than non-LPRs and appear less healthy when migration status is assigned using the logical approach. The logical approach also produced a gap in sick days between LPRs and non-LPRs that is not replicated in the survey approach. The results demonstrate that if migration status is not measured directly in the data, interpretation of migration status effects should proceed cautiously.

Guardianship and the Representative Payee Program

When debating the effect of undocumented immigrants on the economy, scholars often presume that undocumented immigrants are wage laborers rather than business owners. This study imputes the legal status of Mexican and Central American immigrants (MCAs) in the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) between 1996 and 2008 to evaluate how legal status affects business ownership patterns. From 1996 to 2008, the SIPP asked a series of questions about business ownership and migration history that make it uniquely suited to an investigation of undocumented MCA business owners. Instrumental variables regressions reveal that undocumented immigrants had a lower likelihood of owning a business than documented immigrants, but undocumented and documented business owners derived similar incomes from their businesses. A lack of legal status may hold back potential entrepreneurs. MCA business owners of both legal statuses clustered into similar low-paying, low-growth industries, however, so regardless of legal status, there are likely limits to how much business ownership can promote economic mobility among MCAs. All told, scholars should do more to acknowledge the existence of undocumented immigrant business owners, measure their impact on the economy, and examine their influence on immigrant incorporation patterns.

The average age of grandparents in the U.S. was 67 years.Grandparenthood is more common among older adults (aged 65 and older) than those in midlife (aged 40-64).In 2021, the percentage of older adults who were grandparents (71%) was more than 2.5 times greater than the percentage among those in midlife (33%).Data from the 2021 panel of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) are used to update Wu, 2018 comparing midlife grandparents to those at older ages across demographic characteristics.The SIPP is a nationally representative household-based survey that directly asks respondents if they are a grandparent, making it one of the few national surveys that identify non-resident grandparents.This profile is number 2 in our 2021 series on grandparents in the U.S.

Aside from Social Security and, for some, employer-provided pensions, housing equity is the principle asset of a large fraction of older Americans. Many retired persons have essentially no financial assets to support retirement consumption. We use data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), the Asset and Health Dynamics Among the Oldest Old (AHEAD), and the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) to understand the extent to which families use housing equity to support general consumption in retirement. The initial analysis is based on self-assessed home values reported by survey respondents. Because the self-assessments exaggerate actual home equity, much of the subsequent analysis is based on the selling price of recently sold homes, together with the reported equity in recently purchased homes. Homeowners can change home equity by either discontinuing ownership or by purchasing another home of lesser or greater value. We find that in the absence of a precipitating shock-death of a spouse or entry of a family member into a nursing home--families are unlikely to discontinue home ownership. And even when there is a precipitating shock, discontinuing ownership is the exception rather than the rule. On average, families that move and purchase a new home tend to increase home equity. We find, however, that income-poor and house-rich families are more likely to reduce equity when they move, while house-poor and income-rich households are more likely to increase housing equity. Overall, accounting for discontinuing ownership and moving to another home, housing equity increases with age until about age 75 and then declines slightly as households grow older. The overall decline among older households (surveyed in the AHEAD) is about 1.76 percent per year, and this decline is largely accounted for by a 7.84 percent decline among households who experience a precipitating shock. Families that remain intact reduce housing equity very little, about 0.11 percent per year for two-person households and 1.15 percent per year for one-person households. We conclude that, on average, home equity is not liquidated to support general non-housing consumption needs as households age.

Using data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) matched to administrative records, we examine mortality risk and participation in the Disability Insurance (DI) and Supplemental Security Income (SSI) disability programs from a long-term perspective. Over a period of 14 years, we analyze the effect of self-reported health and disability on the probability of death and disability program entry among individuals aged 18–48 in 1984. We also assess DI and SSI programs from a life-cycle perspective. Self-reported poor health and severe disability at baseline are strongly correlated with death over the 14-year follow-up period. These variables also are strong predictors of disability program participation over the follow-up period among non-participants at baseline or before, with increasing marginal probabilities in the out-years. Our cross-sectional models are consistent with recent studies that find that the work-prevented measure is useful in modeling DI entry. However, once self-reported health and functional limitations are accounted for, the longitudinal entry models provide conflicting DI results for the work-prevented measure, suggesting that, contrary to claims based on cross-sectional or short-time horizon application models, the work-prevented measure is an unreliable indicator of severity. The risk of SSI and DI participation is significantly greater for individuals who die, suggesting that future mortality captures the effect of case severity and deterioration of health during the follow-up period. From a life-cycle perspective, a substantially greater proportion of individuals participate in SSI or DI at some point in their lives compared to typical cross-sectional estimates of participation, especially among minorities, people with less than a high school education, and those with early onset of poor health and/or disabilities. Cross-sectional estimates for the Social Security area population indicate SSI and DI participation rates of no more than 5% combined in 2000. In contrast, for individuals aged 43–48 in 1984, we observe a cumulative lifetime SSI and/or DI participation rate of 14%. The corresponding figure is 32% for individuals in that age group who did not graduate from high school, suggesting the need for human capital investments and/or improved work incentives.

Disability data inform resource allocation and utilization, characterize functioning and changes over time, and provide a mechanism to monitor progress toward promoting and protecting the rights of individuals with disability. Data collection efforts, however, define and measure disability in varied ways. Our objective was to see how the content of disability measures differed in five US national surveys and over time. Using the WHO ICF as a conceptual framework for measuring disability, we assessed the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS), Current Population Survey (CPS), Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), National Survey of SSI Children and Families (NSCF), and American Community Survey (ACS) for their content coverage of disability relative to each of the four ICF components (i.e., body functions, body structures, activities and participation, and environment). We used second-level ICF three-digit codes to classify question content into categories within each ICF component and computed the proportion of categories within each ICF component that was represented in the questions selected from these five surveys. The disability measures varied across surveys and years. The NHIS captured a greater proportion of the ICF body functions and body structures components than did other surveys. The SIPP captured the most content of the ICF activities and participation component, and the NSCF contained the most content of the ICF environmental factors component. This research successfully illustrated demonstrated the utility of the ICF in examining the content of disability measures in five national surveys and over time.

Undocumented status is widely recognized as an important social determinant of health. While undocumented immigrants have lower levels of health care access, they do not have consistently poorer physical health than the US-born or other immigrant groups. Furthermore, heterogeneity by race/ethnicity has been largely ignored in this growing literature. This paper used the 2001, 2004, 2008 panels of the restricted Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), one of the only representative surveys equipped to adequately identify Asian undocumented immigrants, to compare health patterns between Asians and Latinos by immigration status. We examined three general measures of health/health access: self-rated health, disability, and current health insurance. Latino undocumented immigrants displayed some advantages in self-rated health and disability but had lower insurance coverage compared to US-born Latinos. In contrast, Asian undocumented immigrants did not differ from US-born Asians in any of the three outcomes. While undocumented status has been proposed as a fundamental cause of disease, we found no evidence that Latino and Asian undocumented immigrants consistently fare worse in health access or physical health outcomes than immigrants in other status categories. Different racial groups also appeared to have unique patterns between immigration status and health outcomes from one another.