Ethno-Religious Violence and Peacebuilding Approaches in Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria

Significance Dhlakama insists that any talks must be mediated by international bodies. It follows the deployment of security forces in the capital Maputo late last month, amid fears that the current unrest could escalate and spread. Impacts Refugee outflows to Malawi will exacerbate resource constraints there, particularly of food given the regional drought. Low prices for exports such as coal and weak agricultural output will cut GDP growth to around 5.8% in 2016 from 6.3% last year. If the United States -- the largest bilateral donor -- joins other donors in suspending aid it would deepen the fiscal crisis. Nyusi will likely use his visit to China to ask for new loans to cover fiscal gaps, probably underpinned by resources guarantees.

Considering the conditions, maintenance and interpretation of political violence, the authors analyze the multiple ways in which acts (and perpetrators) of violence, strategies of resistance and efforts at conflict resolution are gendered. Specifically, they engage with the constitution of gendered subjects and gendered agents in a range of different contexts of violence and conclude that acts of violence have varying degrees of legitimacy, dependent on context. They show that political violence is not the exclusive preserve of non-state actors, but that individuals, resistance movements, paramilitaries and state (or state-sponsored) organisations perpetrate violence in pursuit of political objectives.

Political violence in the Horn of Africa has significant implications that resonate beyond local borders, impacting global security and international relations. This study aims to investigate the historical and socioeconomic factors contributing to regional political violence and to assess how these local conflicts cascade into global security dynamics. A historical-analytical approach was applied, drawing on various data sources, including conflict statistics and security analysis reports, to trace the pathways through which local violence escalates into broader geopolitical concerns. The findings reveal that local conflicts in the Horn of Africa contribute to transnational security threats such as terrorism, piracy, and illegal arms trade, while also influencing migration patterns and humanitarian crises that affect multiple regions worldwide. The analysis shows a strong linkage between regional instability and shifts in international relations, with increased intervention efforts by neighboring countries and international organizations. The study further identifies the impact of these conflicts on economic stability and the strategic re-calibration of foreign policies. In conclusion, understanding the ripple effects of political violence in the Horn of Africa is essential for developing effective policy strategies aimed at conflict resolution and global stability. Addressing these conflicts requires a comprehensive approach that considers both the regional and global dimensions of security.

Citizens in societies in conflict deal with daily exposure to war-related events. The stress and fear engendered by these events can play a critical role in determining how individual citizens perceive potential threats and in turn impact their political decisions regarding the conflict– namely, support for compromise and tolerance or militancy and exclusion. It is thus critical to examine this linkage between stress, threat perception and political attitudes in the context of protracted conflicts. This chapter proposes a stress-based model to help understand the political outcomes of exposure to terrorism and political violence. According to the model, there are three basic components in the causal chain leading to political outcomes: exposure to terrorism and political violence, stress, and threat perception. Through an extensive review of contemporary literature on political psychology in conflict zones, we examine these components, their buffers, the central role played by fear in this context and the fundamental importance of conducting research in war and conflict zones despite the objective methodological issues, in order to further our understanding of the unique psychological and political consequences for civilian populations of exposure to prolonged conflict environments. The current model, although examined in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict context, is widely applicable for other conflict zones around the world, and as such offers a strong basis for therapy, intervention and conflict resolution.

Hew Strachan, The Politics of the British Army. Clarendon Press, 1997; 311pp; 0198206704 (hb) £30 G.R. Sloan, The Geopolitics of Anglo‐Irish Relations in the Twentieth Century. Leicester University Press, 1997; 320pp; 0718513568 (hb) £45.00 Paul Bew, Henry Patterson and Paul Teague, Between War and Peace: The Political Future of Northern Ireland. Lawrence and Wishart, 1997: 231pp; 0853157715 (pb) £12.99 Niall O'Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Deny and the Birth of the Irish Troubles. Cork University Press, 1997; 364pp; 1859181090 (pb) £15.95, 1859181082 (hb) £40.00 Alan O'Day (ed.), Political Violence in Northern Ireland: Conflict and Conflict Resolution. Praeger, 1997; 264pp; 0275954145 (hb) £47.95 Feargal Cochrane, Unionist Politics and the Politics of Unionism since the Anglo‐Irish Agreement Cork University Press, 1997; 426pp; 1859181392 (pb) £17.95, 1859181384 (hb) £40 C. Gilligan and J. Tonge (eds.), Peace or War? Understanding the Peace Process in Northern Ireland. Ashgate, 1997; 192pp; 1859725198 (hb) £35 Richard J. Finlay, A Partnership for Good? Scottish Politics and the Union since 1880. John Donald, 1997; 169pp; 0859764117 (pb) £14.95 Kieran Allen, Fianna Fáil and Irish Labour: 1926 to the Present Pluto Press, 1997; 221pp; 0745308651 (bb) £35.00. John Horgan, Sean Lemass: The Enigmatic Patriot Gill and Macmillan, 1997; 424pp; 07171 20291 (hb) £19.99 Joseph Morrison Skelly, Irish Diplomacy at the United Nations, 1945–65: National interests and the international order. Irish Academic Press, 1997; 314pp; 0716525747 (hb) £35 Brian Graham (ed.), In Search of Ireland: a cultural geography. Routledge, 1997; 240pp; 0415150086 (pb) £15.99 Michael Holmes and Denis Holmes (eds.), Ireland and India: Connections, Comparisons, Contrasts. Folens, 1997; 247pp; 0861219384 (pb) £14.99 Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery (eds.) A Military History of Ireland. Cambridge University Press, 1997; 565pp; 0521629896 (pb) £17.95 Eoin Devereux, Devils and Angels, Television, Ideology and the Coverage of Poverty. University of Luton Press, 1998; 174pp; 1860205453 (pb) NPG Ruth‐Blandina M. Quinn, Public Policy and the Arts. Ashgate, 1998; 352pp; 184014 174 3 (hb) £42.50 Alan Shatter, Shatter's Family Law. Butterworths, 1997; 1097pp; 1854751247 (hb) £80.00. M. Walls and D. Bergin, The Law of Divorce in Ireland. Jordans Bristol, 1997; 313pp; 0853084084 (pb) £21.20 Dominic Murray, Alan Smith and Ursula Birthistle, Education in Ireland: A comparison of the education systems in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Irish Peace Institute Research Centre, 1997; 124pp; 1874653429 (pb) £10 Matthew B. Cannon & Michael J Hennessy (eds.), Political and Economic Review. University of Limerick, 1997. 292pp; 1393–3221 (pb) NPG. Simon Boucher (ed), Social and Political Review, Vol. 7, 1998. Trinity College Dublin, 125 pp, (pb) NPG Shane O'Neill, Impartiality in Context: Grounding Justice in a Pluralist World. State University of New York, 1996; 288pp; 0791433889 (pb) £14.75 Michael Laver, Private Desires, Political Action: An Invitation to the Politics of Rational Choice. Sage, 1997; 163pp; 0761951156 (pb) £12.95. Playing Politics: The Nightmare Continues. Oxford University Press; 174pp; 019285321 (pb) £7.99 Christine Battersby, The Phenomenal Women: Feminist Metaphysics And The Patterns Of Identity. Polity Press, 1998; 208pp; 0745615546 (hb) £45. Richard English, Ernie O'Malley, IRA intellectual Oxford University Press, 1998; 267pp; 0198205953 (hb) £30 Fintan Lane, The Origins of Modern Irish Socialism: 1881–1896. Cork University Press, 1997; 263pp; 185918152X (pb) £16.95 Cees van der Eijk and Mark Franklin (eds), Choosing Europe? The European electorate and national politics in the face of Union. University of Michigan Press, 1996; 516pp; 0472103571 (hb) £39.50 Ben Tonra (ed.), Amsterdam: What the Treaty Means. Institute for European Affairs, 1998; 224pp; 1874109354 (pb) £15 Kevin Boyle and Juliet Sheen (eds), Freedom of Religion and Belief: A World Report Routledge, 1997; 475pp; 0415159776 (hb) f 50.00, 0415159784 (pb) £16.99 Yvonne Galligan, Women and Politics in Contemporary Ireland: From the Margins to the Mainstream. Pinter, 1998; 184pp; 1855674327 (hb) £45, 1855674335 (pb) £16.99

Using a risk assessment method developed by Gurr and Moore ( American Journal of Political Science 41: 1079–1103, 1997) and applying O’Brien’s ( Journal of Conflict Resolution 46: 791–811, 2002) risk assessment metrics, we present a global, comparative, cross-national model predicting the states where political violence is likely to increase. Our model predicts more political violence when governments violate the physical integrity rights of their citizens—especially when they frequently imprison citizens for political reasons or make them “disappear”. These coercive techniques may create more citizen dissatisfaction than other types of violations of physical integrity rights, because citizens perceive political imprisonment and disappearances as the direct result of the deliberate policy choices of politicians. Our model also forecasts more political violence in weak states and states that allow dissatisfied citizens to coordinate their anti-government activities. Specifically, we demonstrate that political violence tends to be higher if governments respect their citizens’ right to freedom of assembly and association and offer widespread use of mobile phone and internet technology.

This article aims to narrate a series of peaceful campaigns conducted by Papua Peace Network (PPN) for Papua Peace Land. This informal network consists of several groups of civil societies, such as religious organizations, ethnic groups, NGOs, and academicians. The PPN has some objectives that are to connect conflicted groups in Papua land, and to help both Papuan people and Indonesian government preparing an inclusive dialogue. This article results from research between 2013 and 2017. The data collection used observation of peaceful campaign of PPN, interviews, and archival research. This research shows that although a series of peaceful campaigns have been conducted by PPN both at the national and local levels between 2013 and 2016, but political violence still increases in Papua land. On another side, the national government only focuses on social and economic development issues, in particular, infrastructure projects, instead of political issues. Government officials involved in peaceful campaigns conducted by PPN had no power enough to implement some peace recommendations due to the national government has no a roadmap to resolve the conflict between Jakarta and Papua peacefully. The article argues that a continuously informal communication between conflicted parties is a necessary condition, but it is not a sufficient condition to create a positive peace. Therefore, the National Government is strongly suggested to implement an inclusive national dialogue with Papuan people.

Vietnam war left a gash in the heart of America that can still be felt today. The War Within is a history of America's internal battle over that war, which chronicles the full story of how a powerful grass-roots force - the antiwar movement - changed the course of American history. Tom Wells spent over ten years researching government and antiwar-movement documents and interviewing key players from the Vietnam era - from Dean Rusk, William Westmoreland and John Ehrlichman to Dave Dellinger, Philip Berrigan and Daniel Ellsberg. Wells moves from protests at the White House gates to antiwar meeting halls, recreating the activities of the student factions, religious organizations, political splinter groups and other organizations that waged campaigns of mass protest, draft resistance, civil disobedience, and sometimes political violence. Here, too, are the behind-the-scenes planning sessions of Democratic and Republican administrations as they sought to discredit and subvert the antiwar movement's efforts. Wells demonstrates that Washington took the antiwar movement seriously at every stage of the war and that the movement was instrumental in the eventual withdrawal of US forces from Southeast Asia. He also reveals how the movement's growing influence prompted the Watergate fiasco.

Best practices to reduce microbial contamination during media-fill testing process in hospital pharmacies: a scoping review of literature.

Indonesia, with its majority Muslim population, is home to two major Islamic organizations: Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Although both are rooted in the same faith, they often face tensions due to differing interpretations and religious practices. Most previous research has focused on their conflicts and rhetorical approaches to resolution, while practical strategies—such as tourism—have received little attention. This conceptual study explores how peace tourism can serve as a new way to foster reconciliation between Muhammadiyah and NU. Peace tourism refers to travel that facilitates dialogue and understanding between groups in conflict. This study introduces a simple, practical model of peace tourism that uses shared historical narratives and visits to significant sites of both organizations to bring the two groups closer and promote Ukhuwah Islamiyah (Islamic brotherhood). By participating in these joint trips, both groups can strengthen two key aspects of Islamic brotherhood: ta'aruf (getting to know one another) and tafahum (mutual understanding). The study draws on existing literature in conflict resolution and peace tourism, offering a theoretical exploration of how tourism can improve inter-group relations in Indonesia. It concludes with suggestions for tourism initiatives that could create space for meaningful dialogue and greater harmony between Muhammadiyah and NU.

HIV has widely affected many people including children and young people and has posed a threat to their lives. Various studies have, therefore, focused on bringing about interventions directed at improving the lives of people living with HIV. Religion and spirituality emerge as other factors enhancing the coping capacity of children living with HIV. The study aimed to explore the impact of religion and spirituality on the resilience of HIV positive children in Zimbabwe. The study was qualitative in nature and it targeted clients of a not for profit organizations (NPO) that provides psycho-social support to HIV positive children in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. The study was informed by the resilience theory which explains the importance of the coping capacity of children in adverse situations. A sample of 24 HIV positive children and three caregivers participated in the study. Data were collected through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The findings reflected that religion and spirituality are crucial in offering psychosocial support to HIV positive children. The key findings indicated that religion and spirituality help with emotional healing, acceptance of HIV status, conflict resolution and strengthens bonds promoting their resilience. However, it was shown that they also have negative impacts including involuntary disclosure, stigma and discrimination, poor adherence to medication and caused depression and anxiety. It was therefore recommended that there is need to create platforms for child participation, promote inclusion of children in religious organizations and sensitize religious leaders on HIV and its effects on the lives of children infected.

This paper analyzes godfatherism in the Kwankwasiyya phenomena rooted in Kano State and founded by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. It also x-rays Kano politics bringing to bear concomitants of elections in the State that ranges from political violence, rigging and other electoral irregularities. The paper mainly employed primary sources of data where KII was used to gather data from purposively selected interviewees; stakeholders in the affairs of the State and political commentators as well. The paper uses elitism to delineate the prebendal relationship between Kwankwaso and his political protégés. The paper finds among other things that godfatherism in Kano breeds corruption in public offices, yields bad governance, promotes hooliganism and violence during elections thereby creating political apathy across the State and loss of lives and properties. The paper thus recommends rigorous auditing in governance to enhance accountability in public offices with severe punishment for offenders, political godfatherism to be closely monitored and its heinous activities checkmated by state authorities. Also, the public to be empowered to use available and legitimate resources at their disposal to call their representatives to order via social media usage and the right to exercise their vote of no confidence to non performing political holders.

How to Promote Career Advancement and Gender Equity for Women in Gastroenterology: A Multifaceted Approach

Dr. Sageman makes a good point that despite the influx of government funding in the last decade, terrorism scholars have not been able to answer what he calls a “simple question”—what leads a perso...

Revenge and other social conflicts among individuals and communities usually occur in Denbia District. Revenge is an extension of destructive conflicts. It is an intrinsic, inevitable, and unavoidable aspect of social life which occurs during human interaction. Conflicts are inherent, because human beings have varying interests and needs. They are also inherent at the same time, because it is impossible to meet the needs and desires of all people simultaneously. Conflict results both constructive and destructive consequences. Destructive conflicts that end up in blood revenge often flows from narrowly defined or rigid goals, and most often produces negative results. Revenge has been one of the social problems practiced in the district of Denbia. Disputes lead to conflicts, and revenge becomes a potential result of conflict in turn in the district of Denbia. This problem is also a social and legal issue in Amhara National Regional State, because it causes life loss, physical injury, property loss and social instability. It disrupts the life of individuals and peaceful existence of groups. Revenge involves initial victims and perpetrators, families, close and distant relatives of both victims and perpetrator. Initial victims may search for opportunities to retaliate blood for blood or any other ways. Hence, it becomes a circular social problem where victims at one occasion will be perpetrators on the next having retaliated the initial perpetrator. This research deals on the Economic and Socio-cultural Sources, Consequences and Intervention Mechanisms of Revenge in Amhara National Regional State: The Case of Denbia District. Therefore, the researcher employed qualitative research approach and gathered data through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and document analysis. A Victim of revenge and released perpetrators, and other community members used during the in-depth interview. Moreover, the researcher used focus group discussions with the peace and reconciliation committee, police officers, and legal professionals who have deeper experience resolution of disputes, conflicts and revenge. Because of the nature of the information collected from respondents, the researcher used thematic analysis, discourse analysis and content analysis all together. The findings of the study have shown that revenge, caused familial and societal problems in the district of Denbia District. Among the forty five kebeles some areas of the district are severely vulnerable for blood revenge killings consisted of higher rates of murder. Insignificant disputes and conflicts raised commonly because of land, grudge, alcoholism, women driven, money driven, stealing, revealing a secret, and other daily based conflicts eventually ended up with blood revenge killings. Mainly, Land conflicts lead to disastrous effects on individuals as well as on groups and end up with blood revenge among family members at the highest number. The number of people who lost their lives in blood revenge killings in five years from 2011 up to 2015 in Denbia district is raised to one hundred and twenty-one.