Facebook의 사용자경험연구: 사용자의 시선경로와 광고콘텐츠를 중심으로

Visualising patterns in clinicians' eye movements while interpreting fetal ultrasound imaging videos is challenging. Across and within videos, there are differences in size an d position of Areas-of-Interest (AOIs) due to fetal position, movement and sonographer skill. Currently, AOIs are manually labelled or identified using eye-tracker manufacturer specifications which are not study specific. We propose using unsupervised clustering to identify meaningful AOIs and bi-contour plots to visualise spatio-temporal gaze characteristics. We use Hierarchical Density-Based Spatial Clustering of Applications with Noise (HDBSCAN) to identify the AOIs, and use their corresponding images to capture granular changes within each AOI. Then we visualise transitions within and between AOIs as read by the sonographer. We compare our method to a standardised eye-tracking manufacturer algorithm. Our method captures granular changes in gaze characteristics which are otherwise not shown. Our method is suitable for exploratory data analysis of eye-tracking data involving multiple participants and AOIs.

Studies on eye movements found that children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) had abnormal gaze behavior to social stimuli. The current study aimed to investigate whether their eye movement patterns in relation to cartoon characters or real people could be useful in identifying ASD children. Eye-tracking tests based on videos of cartoon characters and real people were performed for ASD and typically developing (TD) children aged between 12 and 60 months. A three-level hierarchical structure including participants, events, and areas of interest was used to arrange the data obtained from eye-tracking tests. Random forest was adopted as the feature selection tool and classifier, and the flattened vectors and diagnostic information were used as features and labels. A logistic regression was used to evaluate the impact of the most important features. A total of 161 children (117 ASD and 44 TD) with a mean age of 39.70 ± 12.27 months were recruited. The overall accuracy, precision, and recall of the model were 0.73, 0.73, and 0.75, respectively. Attention to human-related elements was positively related to the diagnosis of ASD, while fixation time for cartoons was negatively related to the diagnosis. Using eye-tracking techniques with machine learning algorithms might be promising for identifying ASD. The value of artificial faces, such as cartoon characters, in the field of ASD diagnosis and intervention is worth further exploring.

Driving in monotonous road environments may cause drivers to become bored and impair their alertness. This inattention may increase the risk of road accidents. Drivers usually respond to visual signals on the road. A large body of research has shown that the level of a driver’s visual attention is closely related to traffic accidents. Visual attention is often studied by tracking drivers’ eye movements. However, few studies to date have explored eye-movement patterns in different road environments such as open roads and tunnel expressways. This dissertation aims to address that research gap by studying drivers’ eye movements and visual characteristics in different driving conditions in real and simulated environments. In the pilot study, drivers’ eye movement patterns were recorded during high-speed driving in tunnels and on expressways in Singapore. Twenty-two drivers participated in the study; they drove a total of 55 km, which included a 9-km section of tunnel. The results of the study showed that drivers experienced longer fixation duration when driving in tunnels than on the open road but experienced a higher number of fixations, higher instantaneous velocity, acceleration, and dispersion on open roads than in tunnels. These findings suggest that drivers’ eye movements are more concentrated and have longer fixation durations in tunnels than in open road driving, indicating that drivers have a greater mental workload when driving in tunnels. However, testing drivers in a real environment has limitations. For example, weather and road characteristics cannot be manipulated. To address this limitation, Experiment 1 was conducted in a driving simulator using virtual reality simulations in UC-win/road. Experiment 1 sought to investigate drivers’ eye movements in various driving environments. Eighteen drivers participated in the experiment and drove on normal roads, expressways, and through underground tunnels in both sunny and rainy weather. The comparisons of their eye-movement patterns (e.g., saccadic parameters and pupil size) in the simulated environments were consistent with those in real open-road environments and tunnels in sunny conditions. The findings suggest that the eye-movement patterns of drivers in a simulator are comparable to those in real environments, indicating its ecological validity. Previous literature has suggested a relationship between eye movement patterns and mental workload. To verify that relationship, mental workloads in Experiments 2 and 3 were directly measured using questionnaires. Dynamic and static hazardous scenarios were simulated to induce different levels of mental workload. Experiment 2 investigated eye movements, driving performance, and mental workload of drivers who encountered static and dynamic obstacles while manual driving. The results from 23 drivers found that their mental workload in dynamic conditions was higher than in static hazardous conditions; it was also higher before encountering hazards than afterwards. The results indicated that pupil size and saccade numbers are effective indicators of mental workload. Experiment 3 was conducted under conditionally automated driving conditions, where participants were involved in tasks related to or not related to driving and requested to resume control manually when their vehicle was in semi-automated driving mode. Drivers’ eye movements and mental workloads were measured when they were driving, especially during the transitions from semi-automated to manual driving. Similar to Experiment 2, the results from 32 drivers found that mental workload was higher for dynamic hazards than for static hazards and higher before hazards were encountered than after. The results also indicated that pupil size is the only effective indicator of mental workload. Taken together, the results of these experiments reveal that pupil size is the most reliable way to measure drivers’ mental workload. Furthermore, in line with the load theory of attention and De Waard (1996)’s theory of workload and performance, it can be concluded that mental workload (indicated by pupil size) and visual workload (by saccadic dispersion) are the key determinants of driving performance and that drivers can only respond to emergencies during periods of medium levels of mental and visual workload (not underload or overload) with available attentional capacity. The findings from this thesis on eye movement and mental workload may be used to monitor drivers’ real-time attention and workload and thus provide guidance for the design of safe-driving autonomous vehicles that consider drivers’ capacity for information processing when driving. Knowledge about the limitations and capacity of human drivers in tandem with automated systems may also help improve user acceptance of autonomous vehicles in the future.

Human behaviour is not only influenced by the physical presence of others, but also implied social presence. This study examines the impact of awareness of being eye-tracked on eye movement behaviour in a laboratory setting. During a classic yes/no face recognition task, participants were made to believe that their eye movements were recorded (or not recorded) by eye trackers. Their looking patterns with and without the awareness of being eye-tracked were compared while perceiving social (faces, faces-and-bodies) and non-social (inanimate objects) video stimuli. Area-of-interest (AOI) analysis revealed that misinformed participants (who were not aware that their eye movements were being recorded) looked more at the body (chest and waist) compared to informed participants (who believed they were being eye-tracked), whereas informed participants fixated longer on the mouth and shorter on the eyes of female models than misinformed participants did. These findings highlight the potential impact of an awareness of being eye tracked on one’s eye movement pattern when perceiving a social stimulus. We conclude that even within laboratory settings an eye tracker may function as an implied social presence that leads individuals to modify their eye movement behaviour according to socially-derived inhibitory norms.

Eye movements are composed of spatial and temporal aspects. Moreover, not only the eye movements of one subject are of interest, but a data analyst is more or less interested in the scanning strategies of a group of people in a condensed form. This data aggregation can provide useful insights into the visual attention over space and time leading to the detection of possible visual problems or design flaws in the presented stimulus. In this paper we present a way to visually explore the flow of eye movements, i.e., we try to bring a layered hierarchical structure into the spatio-temporal eye movements. To reach this goal, the stimulus is spatially divided into areas of interest (AOIs) and temporally or sequentially aggregated into time periods or subsequences. The weighted AOI transitions are used to model directed graph edges while the AOIs build the graph vertices. The flow of eye movements is naturally obtained by computing hierarchical layers for the AOIs while the downward edges indicate the hierarchical flow between the AOIs on the corresponding layers.

Validating and improving the correction of ocular artifacts in electro-encephalography

Evaluation of eye, head and trunk coordination during target tracking tasks

The purpose of this study is to explore the correlation between eye movement metrics and user emotional experience metrics during the user's process of using the interface in a task-oriented manner through an eye-tracking study. Fifty-four participants were recruited, who were divided into two groups and asked to complete the same task using two different sets of interfaces. The two sets of interfaces were proved to have differences in the emotional experience of users before the experiment. The participants' eye movement data were recorded as they operated, and correlation analyzes were performed using biserial correlation tests. The results show that different interface designs affect the three dimensions of user emotional experience (PAD) and also lead to changes in eye movement patterns as the users complete tasks. Interface designs that elicit higher pleasure will lead to longer duration of fixations. Interface designs that elicit higher arousal will lead to more fixations and higher peak velocity of saccades. Interface designs that elicit higher dominance will lead to longer duration of fixations, fewer fixations and fewer saccades. This study identifies eye movement metrics related to the user emotional experience in interface design that are different from those in other fields, providing a new perspective for the scientific validation of the emotional experience in interface design. The designers can apply the findings to optimize the specific interface design to improve the user's emotional experience.

Alfred Yarbus (1967) reported that an observer's eye movement record varied based on high-level task. He found that an observer's eye movement patterns during freeview were dramatically different than when given tasks such as “Remember the clothes worn by the people.” Although Yarbus’ work is often cited to demonstrate the task-dependence of eye movements, it is often misrepresented; Yarbus reported results for only one observer, but authors commonly refer to Yarbus’ “observers”. Additionally, his observer viewed the painting for 21 minutes with optical stalks attached to the sclera and with his head severely restricted. Although eye movements are undoubtedly influenced by high-level tasks, it is not clear how Yarbus’ results reflect his unique experimental conditions. Because of Yarbus’ role in the literature, it is important to determine the extent to which his results represent a sample of naïve observers under more natural conditions. We replicated Yarbus’ experiment using a head-free eyetracker with 17 naïve observers. The presentations were self-paced; viewing times were typically an order of magnitude shorter than the times Yarbus imposed. Eye movement patterns were clearly task dependent, but some of the differences were much less dramatic than those shown in Yarbus’ now-classic observations.

In picture viewing, emotional vs. neutral stimuli could play a different role in eye movement parameters and in the spatial progression of the scanpath. The aim of this paper is to investigate exploratory behaviour of normal subjects during the vision of emotional vs. non-emotional stimuli, by considering to what extent the thematic content (animate vs. inanimate) is likely to influence the observer’s eye movements. Sixty-five subjects’ eye movement patterns were measured while looking to emotional (pleasant and unpleasant) and neutral pictures depicting animate or inanimate contents. Results showed that the number of fixations and the gaze duration were greater for emotional pictures than for neutral ones, and animate pictures were fixated longer than inanimate ones. Both emotional and animate pictures may affect eye movements and constitute privileged stimuli of adaptive behavioural tendencies.

Background: Using images in multiple‐choice formats for comprehension testing in aphasia is common. It is generally assumed that persons being assessed perceive the content of the images represented in such tasks. However, specific visual characteristics of individual images may influence visual attention, which may influence accuracy in the selection of a correct target image corresponding to a verbal stimulus. The validity of test responses may be confounded by (1) physical stimulus features, such as size, and (2) semantic content conveyed by images, such as image familiarity. This study is supported by a grant (# DC 0015301 A1) from the National Institute on Deafness and other Communication Disorders of the National Institutes of Health. We thank Natalie Douglas for her important contributions, Yoon‐Soo Lee for creation and editing of visual stimuli, and Sonny Kim for statistical consultation. Aims: The first aim was to develop a rating instrument to assess visual stimulus properties and semantic content conveyance in multiple‐choice images, based on an extensive review of empirical literature and validated by experts in graphic design. The second aim was to study the degree of relationship between viewers' subjective ratings of images selected from published aphasia batteries, using the rating instrument, and eye movement measures recorded as independent viewers looked at the same images. The third aim was to compare the viewers' actual eye movement indices of disproportionate visual attention to an ideal value of evenly proportionate visual attention for each image set. Methods & Procedures: A rating instrument, based on an extensive review of literature and assessed and revised by graphic design and eye‐tracking experts, was developed to identify such influences within multiple‐choice images and was assessed through empirical testing of viewers' eye movement patterns as they looked at images from published aphasia tests. A total of 20 adults rated 20 image sets from five aphasia batteries. Eye movements were recorded for a separate group of 40 adults viewing the same images. Outcomes & Results: Ratings were not statistically correlated with eye movement responses. All multiple‐choice image sets prompted significantly disproportionate visual attention. Conclusions: Results highlight the importance of: (1) considering the possible influence of visual stimulus confounds on any given patient's test performance, and (2) better controlled image design for multiple‐choice test images to improve the validity of assessment. Further research is needed to improve subjective and objective means of assessment of images and guidelines for improved design of multiple‐choice image displays.

Our perception of an event is often modulated by our past experience and expectations [1Ramachandran V.S. Armel C. Foster C. Stoddard R. Object recognition can drive motion perception.Nature. 1998; 395: 852-853Crossref PubMed Scopus (35) Google Scholar, 2O'Regan J.K. Noe A. A sensorimotor account of vision and visual consciousness.Behav. Brain Sci. 2001; 24: 939-973Crossref PubMed Scopus (1863) Google Scholar]. Here we used a magic trick [3Triplett N. The psychology of conjuring deceptions.Am. J. Psychol. 1900; 6: 439-510Crossref Google Scholar] to demonstrate how magicians can distort our subjective perception and we investigate the mechanisms behind this deception. We found that when a magician performed an illusion in which a ball was seen to vanish in the air, 63% of observers perceived the ball leave his hand, move upwards, and disappear even though the ball did not leave the magician's hand. Moreover, observers' illusory perception of the ball was determined by cues that indicated the ball's location, namely the magician's head direction, rather than the percept itself. Furthermore, eye movement records revealed participants' strategic use of social cues prior to looking at the ball. Surprisingly, however, when the ball was not physically present, observers did not look at the area where they claimed to have seen the ball vanish, suggesting that the oculomotor system was not fooled by the illusion. These results show that although people's subjective percept is determined by expectations, the oculomotor system is largely driven by accurate bottom-up information, which is consistent with the suggestion that there are separate mechanisms for perception and visuomotor control [4Goodale M.A. Milner A.D. Separate visual pathways for perception and action.Trends Neurosci. 1992; 15: 20-25Abstract Full Text PDF PubMed Scopus (3924) Google Scholar]. A striking example of magicians' deception is the vanishing ball illusion, in which a ball apparently disappears in mid air. This illusion is created by pretending to throw a ball up in the air, when in fact it remains secretly palmed in the magician's hand [3Triplett N. The psychology of conjuring deceptions.Am. J. Psychol. 1900; 6: 439-510Crossref Google Scholar]. If done convincingly, the observer should perceive the ball as moving up in the air even though it is no longer physically present. Similarly, when observers view a moving object that suddenly disappears, the final position of the object is usually perceived as being further along the path of motion than its actual final position [5Freyd J.J. Finke R.A. Representational Momentum.J. Exp. Psychol. Learn. Mem. Cogn. 1984; 10: 126-132Crossref Scopus (464) Google Scholar], a phenomenon known as representational momentum [6Assad J.A. Maunsell J.H.R. Neuronal correlates of inferred motion in primate posterior parietal carter.Nature. 1995; 373: 518-521Crossref PubMed Scopus (181) Google Scholar]. Much of the magician's deception relies on social cuing, in terms of his head and gaze direction, and we therefore predicted that the effectiveness of the vanishing ball illusion would be influenced by the magician's social cuing. Two different versions of the trick were created that addressed the extent to which the magician's social cues are responsible for the illusion. In the social cues pro-illusion condition, on the final 'fake' throw, the magician's eyes and head followed an imaginary ball moving upwards (Figure 1 and Supplemental data available on-line with this issue). In the social cues anti-illusion condition, the magic trick was identical except that on the final 'fake' throw, the magician looked at the hand concealing the ball, rather than following the imaginary ball (see Figure 2F). We also measured people's eye movements while they watched the video of the trick, to gain an online measure of the information obtained by the visual system. Immediately after having seen the magic trick, participants were questioned as to whether they perceived the 'illusory ball' moving towards the top of the screen on the final throw.Figure 2Participants' fixation points for the social cues pro-illusion (top row) and the social cues anti-illusion (bottom row) conditions.Show full captionThe dots represent the fixation points for the participants who experienced the illusion and the 'X' marks the fixation points for participants who did not experience the illusion. (A,D) At the point when the ball reached its zenith on the first throw. (B,E) at the point when the ball reached its zenith on the second throw. (C,F) At the point when the ball disappeared. For each participant the height of the terminal eye position on the monitor was calculated (distance between the fixation point and the bottom of the monitor, monitor height = 25°); each panel shows the means (M) and standard deviations (SD) for participants who experienced the illusion and those who did not. On the final throw (C,F) there was no significant difference between the final eye position of the participants who perceived the illusion compared to those who did not perceive it (t(36) < 1), which shows that participants' eye movements were not correlated with the perception of the illusion. On the final throw there was no significant difference in the terminal eye positions between the anti- and the pro-illusion condition (t(36) < 1), illustrating that participants' eye movements were not driven by the social cues. 19 participants experienced the illusion. For these participants the terminal eye position on the final throw was significantly lower than on the first (t(18) = 3.23, p = 0.005) and the second throw (t(18) = 3.57, p = 0.002).View Large Image Figure ViewerDownload Hi-res image Download (PPT) The dots represent the fixation points for the participants who experienced the illusion and the 'X' marks the fixation points for participants who did not experience the illusion. (A,D) At the point when the ball reached its zenith on the first throw. (B,E) at the point when the ball reached its zenith on the second throw. (C,F) At the point when the ball disappeared. For each participant the height of the terminal eye position on the monitor was calculated (distance between the fixation point and the bottom of the monitor, monitor height = 25°); each panel shows the means (M) and standard deviations (SD) for participants who experienced the illusion and those who did not. On the final throw (C,F) there was no significant difference between the final eye position of the participants who perceived the illusion compared to those who did not perceive it (t(36) < 1), which shows that participants' eye movements were not correlated with the perception of the illusion. On the final throw there was no significant difference in the terminal eye positions between the anti- and the pro-illusion condition (t(36) < 1), illustrating that participants' eye movements were not driven by the social cues. 19 participants experienced the illusion. For these participants the terminal eye position on the final throw was significantly lower than on the first (t(18) = 3.23, p = 0.005) and the second throw (t(18) = 3.57, p = 0.002). Participants who perceived the illusory ball had a vivid recollection of seeing the ball leave the screen at the top, and typically claimed that the illusion was created by someone catching it beyond the top of the screen. 68% of the participants in the social cues pro-illusion condition experienced the illusion, significantly more than in the social cues anti-illusion condition (32%, χ2 = 5.16, p = 0.025), thus demonstrating that the illusion was mediated by the social cuing. Most of the participants claimed that they spent their entire time looking at the ball. However, these reports deviated strongly from where they were actually looking. Figure 1 shows a timeline indicating where participants were looking during the magic trick. We found a very high consistency in the eye movement patterns between the participants, suggesting that people employed similar eye movement strategies. On throws where the ball was visible, participants generally looked at the ball once it reached the apex. But rather than merely tracking the ball, most of the participants glanced at the magician's face before looking at the ball, indicating that the visual system uses information about where the magician is looking as a way of predicting the location of the ball. Our results show that an observer's percept was driven by the magician's social cuing, and that participants utilized the magician's social cues. However, there was a surprising difference in the susceptibility of these two systems to the illusion. On the final illusory throw, most participants claimed to have seen the ball at the top of the screen. The oculomotor system on the other hand was not fooled by the illusion. Figure 2 shows that participants only looked at the top of the screen when the ball was physically present. These results illustrate a remarkable dissociation between what participants claimed to have seen and the way in which their eyes behaved. Whilst their percept was predominantly based on expectations, their eyes were largely driven by the actual visual input. Our results offer a striking example of how the dissociation between vision for perception and for action, well documented in neurological patients [4Goodale M.A. Milner A.D. Separate visual pathways for perception and action.Trends Neurosci. 1992; 15: 20-25Abstract Full Text PDF PubMed Scopus (3924) Google Scholar, 7Goodale M.A. Haffenden A. Frames of reference for perception and action in the human visual system.Neurosci. Biobehav. Rev. 1998; 22: 161-172Crossref PubMed Scopus (110) Google Scholar, 8Milner A.D. Goodale M.A. The Visual Brain in Action. Oxford University Press, Oxford1995Google Scholar] and neurologically intact subjects [9Aglioti S. Desouza J.F.X. Goodale M.A. Size-contrast illusions deceive the eye but not the hand.Curr. Biol. 1995; 5: 679-685Abstract Full Text Full Text PDF PubMed Scopus (721) Google Scholar], also translates to more real world situations. We would like to thank the reviewers and Cristiana Cavina-Pratesi for their valuable comments on the manuscript, and Tim Smith for his help with a control experiment. Download .pdf (.1 MB) Help with pdf files Document S1. Supplemental Experimental Procedures Download .mpg (1.09 MB) Help with mpg files Movie 1 Vanishing ball trick pro-illusion condition Download .mpg (1.12 MB) Help with mpg files Movie 2 Vanishing ball trick anti-illusion condition

User experience is understood in so many ways, like a one on one interaction (subjective views), online surveys and questionnaires. This is simply so get the user’s implicit response, this paper demonstrates the underlying user emotion on a particular interface such as the webpage visual content based on the context of familiarisation to convey users’ emotion on the interface using emoji, we integrated physiological readings and eye movement behaviour to convey user emotion on the visual centre field of a web interface. The physiological reading is synchronised with the eye tracker to obtain correlating user interaction, and emoticons are used as a form of emotion conveyance on the interface. The eye movement prediction is obtained through a control system’s loop and is represented by different color display of gaze points (GT) that detects a particular user’s emotion on the webpage interface. These are interpreted by the emoticons. Result shows synchronised readings which correlates to area of interests (AOI) of the webpage and user emotion. These are prototypical instances of authentic user response execution for a computer interface and to easily identify user response without user subjective response for better and easy design decisions.

This study investigates eye movement patterns as indicators of text complexity in Arabic, focusing on the comparative analysis of Classical Arabic (CA) and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) text. Using the AraEyebility corpus, which contains eye-tracking data from readers of both CA and MSA text, we examined differences in fixation patterns, regression rates, and overall reading behavior between these two forms of Arabic. Our analyses revealed significant differences in eye movement metrics between CA and MSA text, with CA text consistently eliciting more fixations, longer fixation durations, and more frequent revisits. Multivariate analysis confirmed that language type has a significant combined effect on eye movement patterns. Additionally, we identified different relationships between text features and eye movements for CA versus MSA text, with sentence-level features emerging as significant predictors across both language types. Notably, we observed an interaction between language type and readability level, with readers showing less sensitivity to readability variations in CA text compared to MSA text. These findings contribute to our understanding of how historical language evolution affects reading behavior and have practical implications for Arabic language education, publishing, and assessment. The study demonstrates the value of eye movement analysis for understanding text complexity in Arabic and highlights the importance of considering language-specific features when studying reading processes.

Where do people look when they look at money?