Fake News as a Propaganda Tool against CPEC

Introduction Jessica Keough (bio) In 2013, China's president Xi Jinping announced an initiative that would set the course for much of China's foreign policy toward its Eurasian neighbors. Consisting of two parts—an overland "belt" connecting China with Central Asia, Russia, South Asia, and Europe and a maritime "road" linking Chinese ports with those in Southeast Asia, South Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Europe—the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) envisions a vast network of railways, highways, ports, pipelines, and communication infrastructure spanning the Eurasian continent and facilitating trade, investment, and people-to-people exchange (see Figure 1). In 2015, Beijing announced a plan to develop six economic corridors to advance this initiative (see Figure 2). China's leadership has rallied behind BRI, pledging substantial investment, creating new financial institutions such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Silk Road Fund, and making diplomatic commitments to countries along the proposed routes. To many observers, BRI appears to be an outline of China's ambitious new grand strategy, 1 but what do states in the region think of this initiative? The seven contributors to this Asia Policy roundtable seek to answer this question by examining how Asian states along this new Silk Road view BRI and its potential implications. Michael Clarke begins the roundtable with an essay that analyzes China's motivations and objectives. He concludes that BRI is motivated by Beijing's desire to resolve long-term domestic, economic, and geopolitical challenges by strengthening states in China's frontier regions, exporting Chinese capital and labor, and establishing an alternative to the current international order. BRI integrates these objectives into a strategy that furthers China's goal of returning to great-power status without provoking strong counterreactions. Andrew Small seeks to understand Pakistan's role in BRI through an examination of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Despite Pakistan and China's long history of an "all-weather friendship," previous joint infrastructure and economic projects have generally failed to deliver [End Page 66] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. China's Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Source: "West China Seeks Fortune on Modern Silk Road," Xinhua, May 15, 2016 ≈ http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2016-05/15/c_135360904.htm. Originally published in Chinese in Xinhua, 2014. Reprinted with minor changes from Nadège Rolland, China's Eurasia Century? Political and Strategic Implications of the Belt and Road Initiative (Seattle: National Bureau of Asian Research, 2017), 49. [End Page 67] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 2. The Six Economic Corridors of the Belt and Road Initiative Source: Hong Kong Trade Development Council Head Office, "The Belt and Road Initiative," January 21, 2016 ≈ http://china-trade-research.hktdc.com/business-news/article/The-Belt-and-Road-Initiative/The-Belt-and-Road-Initiative-More-Information/obor/en/1/1X3CGF6L/1X0A36H1.htm. Reprinted from Rolland, China's Eurasia Century? 73. [End Page 68] on their rhetoric. Although both sides clearly stand to gain from CPEC and some progress has been made, long-standing challenges in Pakistan provide reason for skepticism that the project will in fact meet Beijing's goals. While not on board with BRI, India is closely watching the initiative, particularly CPEC. Harsh Pant and Ritika Passi argue in their essay that pressure is mounting on New Delhi to decide whether to remain on the sidelines. India is wary of the security implications of BRI, particularly for the contested area of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and for Indian Ocean ports and sea lanes; however, China's infrastructure development projects could be a boon that increases the region's economic interdependence and gives India leverage to shape the initiative from within. India thus faces challenging decisions as BRI unfolds. Russia, by contrast, has moved from caution to an embrace of BRI, at least for now. The initiative will expand China's presence not only in Central Asia, Russia's traditional sphere of influence, but also further westward in Turkey, the Middle East, and Europe. While Moscow recognizes this dilution of its own influence, Sebastien Peyrouse argues that Russia's economic crisis and the effects of Western sanctions have left...

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – the modern equivalent of the historic Silk Route – will connect China to multiple countries in Asia, Africa, and Europe through a complex web of land and sea routes. As a pilot project of a network of this magnitude, the 62 billion dollar China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has far-reaching implications for future bilateral agreements with other countries along the routes, and for geopolitics in the region. This chapter will analyze CPEC along the following key strands of inquiry: Pakistan’s internal political economy, her macroeconomic stability, and an analysis of the corridor’s long-term impact. While the literature on corridors is extensive, it does not give us a unifying theory with which to gauge the effectiveness of CPEC, which is more than an economic endeavor. In order to truly understand the dynamics of the region, the authors examine the extent to which domestic support for the CPEC may impact the whole initiative, and how the deficiencies in local infrastructure may take away from its success.

Established during the Chinese Han Dynasty and further developed by the Tang Dynasty, Byzantine, and Roman Empires, the Ancient Silk Road linked South and Central Asia with Europe and the Middle East for commercial and cultural interchange. Following a significant initiative as a crucial element of Xi Jinping’s “China Dream”, the route garnered worldwide attention. With a projected investment of approximately 4 trillion dollars, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) aims to link 50 landlocked nations to boost economic collaboration. This paper analyses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), specifically its energy, infrastructure, Gwadar, industrial cooperation and associated ventures, while addressing concerns and scepticism surrounding this ‘game changer’. Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) seeks to foster economic integration by connecting roughly 50 landlocked countries. CPEC is the BRI flagship project to enhance bilateral linkages between China and Pakistan to meet contemporary requirements; a “digital corridor complements the economic corridor”. Despite various challenges and uncertainties, Pakistan’s power sector has begun reaping benefits from CPEC-related initiatives. Simultaneously, advancements are visible in road and railway infrastructure development. While acknowledging CPEC’s advantages and related projects, one cannot disregard domestic, provincial, regional, and international hurdles. As analysts and experts question fiscal uncertainties and the logic behind potentially unmanageable debt, cultural advocates express their apprehensions. Provinces dispute special economic zones and operational frameworks, while some groups challenge the underutilisation of local raw materials and labour. Uncertain terms and missed revenue generation prospects remain significant concerns regarding CPEC. The present administration has carefully attempted to tackle and resolve financial issues effectively; similar dedication must be maintained to address provincial grievances to maximise the benefits of this CPEC— one corridor, multiple opportunities.

This article aims to analyse the economic significance of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a core component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), for the Greater Middle East with focus on Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar and Oman. In so doing, the article underscores on the one hand the existing economic cooperation between Pakistan and the said countries and on the other highlights China’s growing interest in the Arab World in terms of trade. In this respect, the study incorporates the economic values of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, Qatar National Vision (2030) and Oman Vision (2040) which provide for transregional economic cooperation in terms of market connectivity. In order to realise the latter, the CPEC, as part of the BRI, offers itself as means and market to transregional stakeholders. Empirically, the study posits that CPEC under the BRI framework carries positive economic implications for the Greater Middle East on account of existing and emerging investment and trade trends transregionally. Nonetheless, prospects for economic cooperation are beset with geopolitical challenges such as the recent Iran-US stand-off. The BRI, in remedial terms, can generate stakes for transregional (non-) BRI countries, especially Iran, India and the US in order to prefer peaceful means for conflict resolution.

Despite deepening economic ties between India and China, the unresolved border dispute, Sino-Pak strategic ties and India’s openness to engage with the US-led regional security structures continue to affect the bilateral relationship. The inception of China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015 generated strong protests from New Delhi citing violation of its territorial sovereignty and culminated in India’s refusal to participate in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The statements emerging from the Indian foreign office and policymakers expressed concerns about the opacity of Chinese projects, debt trap, and the sovereignty risks to smaller nations’ economies in case of their inability to repay Chinese loans. While these factors objectively sum up India’s stance on the BRI, they simultaneously speak of India’s response to the BRI on a strategic level. The article argues that India’s approach to the BRI should be examined from its Moralpolitik-driven ethical deconstruction of the project, through which it attempts to legitimize its response strategy in balance of power terms.

Parallax Visions of the Belt and Road Initiative Jonathan Fulton (bio) Daniel Markey's China's Western Horizon: Beijing and the New Geopolitics of Eurasia offers an important, original, and timely analysis of one of our time's most significant geopolitical transitions, as the People's Republic of China (PRC) evolves from an East Asian power to a global power. It is the type of comprehensive book that many would shy away from given its vast territorial coverage, and Markey should be commended for his ambitious undertaking. The result is an informed and engaging work that analyzes China's foreign policy as well as those of several states across South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East. As China's interests and influence spreads, we need a clearer picture of the PRC's foreign policy objectives, and to understand the PRC in the Xi Jinping era, we have to start with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The second chapter, "Beijing's Global Aspirations," capably articulates the motivations of Chinese policymakers in developing BRI, putting it in the context of a foreign policy that has grown increasingly confident and ambitious. Perhaps the most important contribution of Markey's book is its emphasis on the agency of countries partnering with China in BRI projects—a part of the BRI story that is sometimes neglected. In nearly every bilateral relationship, excepting only the Sino-U.S. relationship, China's economic leverage creates asymmetry that contributes to a sense of the PRC marching toward dominance while taking advantage of weaker states' needs for development loans and FDI. China's emergence as a funding source represents a challenge to the liberal Western model, which has become increasingly irrelevant to many countries' infrastructure projects. David Dollar, formerly of the World Bank, has compared the Western model's limitations when measured against BRI: Only about 30 percent of World Bank lending is for infrastructure these days. Having run the largest infrastructure program in the World Bank, I can say that it's extraordinarily bureaucratic. Mostly, clients don't like to come the World Bank because it's just too time consuming. It takes many, many years to get things going. China is offering to finance infrastructure, not at highly concessional terms, at what we would generally call commercial terms, but frankly at interest rates that most of [End Page 146] these countries could not get from any other lender, unless they jumped through the hoops to go with the World Bank.1 The English-language narrative about BRI is often dangerously simplistic: China is using its economic might to overturn the liberal order through massive loans and infrastructure projects primarily designed to strengthen its own economy. Developed by Chinese state-owned enterprises, monitored by Chinese technology, and staffed with Chinese labor, the result is environmental degradation, the spread of an illiberal surveillance state model, unfair labor practices, and crippling debt. Partnering countries accept these adversities as the price of doing business with China. The implication is that with relatively little practical experience in dealing with the PRC, these smaller states do not know what they are getting themselves into. However, this perspective reflects a Western view of BRI in general, and a U.S. view in particular. China's Western Horizon illuminates how this process looks from the perspective of Eurasian countries working with China, explaining the motivations to forge closer ties and take on these loans and providing a more nuanced approach to BRI than we normally get from great-power competition analysis. An important theme throughout the book is that elites in partner countries adopt a logic reflecting pressures at the domestic or regional level. The chapter on South Asia offers the best illustration—not surprising given Markey's background in the region. The book begins with an interview with former Pakistani prime minister Pervez Musharraf discussing Gwadar port, the anchor of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): "'Yes, Gwadar was entirely my idea, not a Chinese idea. I was concerned only about Pakistan's strategic interests'" (p. vii). This is an important but underreported aspect of BRI—local projects in need of funding are often folded into BRI cooperation. In Oman, for example...

The study is conducted with the objective of analyzing transport infrastructure impact on Pakistan’s trade volume, especially infrastructure developed under the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The study is conducted in two phases. In the first phase, the study explains infrastructure development’s impact on the trade volume in Pakistan, without taking into account the CPEC, by utilizing time-series data from 1991 to 2020 by employing the ARDL model. The results confirm that trade has significantly increased with infrastructure development. For robustness of these results Granger Causality test is carried out, which confirms that the results are robust. Similarly, in the second stage of the study, the impact of CPEC and transport infrastructure development has been checked on Pakistan’s trade from 1991 to 2020 by applying the Ordinary Least Square techniques model. From results, we find out that CPEC and transport infrastructure development have a significant positive impact on Pakistan’s trade promotion. Along with the main variable, some control variables such as foreign direct investment, exchange rate, Institution quality, and population also have a significant positive impact on trade promotion, but still in some cases, their impact is insignificant. This study explored a new dynamic measurement of transport infrastructure by including qualitative variables in the construction of transport infrastructure index, based upon this new measured transport infrastructure index, we concluded that CPEC has significant impact on Pakistan’s trade volume.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) isconsidered as the ‘flagship’ project of China’s Belt andRoad Initiative (BRI) and has been widely acclaimedby both Chinese and Pakistani officials often terming itas ‘game-changer’ to overcome Pakistan’s lingeringissues of energy and economic crisis. Within theframework of CPEC, China is investing more than 56billion US dollars as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)in various energy and infrastructure projects includinga vast network of railways, highways, economic zonesand gas pipelines. While much has been debated andwritten about various projects under CPEC in theexisting academic discourses, vis-à-vis threats to thebiodiversity (Nabi et al., 2017), its potentialimplications to environmental hazards (Ali, 2018) andto overcome energy shortfall of Pakistan (Kugelman,2017). However, scientific study to reinforce the issuesof environmental pollution, particularly related toCEPEC coal-based energy projects have been stilllacking.The pertained literature on CPEC consisted qualitativestudies to inspect and judge different aspects such asimportance of CPEC for both countries and its effectson geo political of South Asia. Challenges for CPEC inPakistan, South Asia and foreign policy betweenChina-Pakistan), as Nan, (2015) explained that thisproject is not only valuable for Pakistan and China, butit is also beneficial for the global economy byincluding several other countries. Furthermore, Li andSun, (2015) and Irshad, etal, (2015) reported theimportance of CPEC and it long and short-termbenefits for both countries. Further, Hussain and Khan(2017) also stated that it will enhance the cooperationbetween two countries and advantageous for Chinese,Middle Eastern and South Asian people (Ali, 2016).Further, Wolf, (2017) explained the insights, potentialsand challenges concerning CPEC and domestic levelcooperation between China and Pakistan.In addition, quantitative studies focused to shed a lighton the impact of China Pakistan Economic Corridor(CPEC) (Such as, impact on gdp, socio-economy,trade, stock market, energy sector and infrastructure).CPEC will build rails and roads infrastructure andinfrastructure development may decrease the povertyand increases the agriculture development in Pakistan(Ahmed & Mustafa, 2016). Most recent articleexamined the impact of CPEC impact on energy(energy consumption and energy saving potential) inthe prospect of Pakistan (Mirza, Fatima, Ullah, 2019).A latest study surveyed in Pakistan and their researchresults shows that entrepreneur’s attitude andintentions to China and Pakistan Economic Corridor(CPEC) development is positive, it means CPECproject also designing an entrepreneurial environment(Kanwal et al., 2019).A large number of studies (Begum, etal., 2015; Ozturk,and Acaravci, 2010) have discussed various elementsand causes of CO2 emissions. Similarly, manyresearches (Khurshid, etal., 2018; Hadi, etal., 2018;Hussain, 2017; Hussain, 2015) on Pakistan-Chinarelations in the context of economy, society andgeopolitical point of view. Present study is aimed toinvestigate the CPEC development effects i.e. grossdomestic product (gdp), foreign direct investment (fdi),trade openness (top), energy consumption (enguse) onenvironmental pollution (CO2) in Pakistan usingFMOLS and DOLS methods.

Being the most developed part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the present chapter analyses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to shed light on some key dimensions of the BRI. Through this case study, it will be argued that the BRI is an economic initiative with clear strategic motivations and repercussions. This is illustrated by the reasons behind China’s choice of the CPEC as the ‘flagship project’ of the BRI: the high level of trust and stability in China-Pakistan relations; the strategic benefits derived for China from a stronger Pakistan; the enormous complementarities between the needs of the Pakistani economy and what the BRI has to offer; and the impact of CPEC on the stabilisation of Xinjiang. The challenges faced by the CPEC are also considered to evaluate the prospects for a successful implementation of the BRI. In conclusion, it is argued that to fulfil its goals, the CPEC cannot be just a transit corridor, but an economic, or, even better, a development corridor. The actual nature of this corridor will be a meaningful indicator of the impact that the whole BRI might have.

China proposed the idea of ‘BRICS Plus’ in 2017. However, this hint exasperated India owing to its diverse political and strategic preferences. Conspicuously, the reason for India’s disapproval relates to a probable role for Pakistan through the BRICS plus. Particularly, in the backdrop is China’s progress on regional integration through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the significance extended to the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). In fact, inimical impulses for Pakistan were also felt when India attempted to label Pakistan as a country ‘promoting state-sponsored terrorism’ through a BRICS summit held in Goa in 2016; the move was later vetoed both by China and Russia. Meanwhile, India’s bilateral relations with China also lacked synergy, which sometimes impact their interaction within the BRICS framework. If viewed through the Neo-Functionalism framework and its concept of ‘spill-over,’ BRICS plus can reinforce incentives of cooperation in various sectors within a larger group of countries. Interest groups will begin to flourish at a regional level and domestically these groups will lobby their governments to further integrate. This will be overall critical for BRICS in order to steadily engage the world order as a multilateral forum. The question is, will India let go of bilateralism and accept the role of regional countries, particularly Pakistan? This article intends to explore the very concept of the transregional organisation of BRICS and the impact of the nature of relations between India and China. It also illustrates how states in the region, specifically Pakistan, have an intrinsic potential to complement the transregional agenda of BRICS and BRICS plus, particularly through its strategic geographic location and CPEC. For the persistent rise of BRICS, members will have to let go of bilateralism and allow the countries on the periphery to play their role.

Pakistan is a key country in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) where the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is under implementation. An investment model of financing through loans, grants and private investments, CPEC is an example of South-South cooperation (SSC) having a number of benefits for both countries. Aimed at developing energy, industry, and communication infrastructure, the corridor initially valued at $46 billion but is now worth $62 billion. CPEC is expected to contribute significantly to socio-economic development and regional connectivity and trade. The main research question is, while implementing projects in Pakistan, to what extent China adheres to its avowed principles comprising features such as mutual respect, non-conditionality, equality, building local capacity and addressing actual needs of partner countries. Based mainly on the analysis of primary data collected during fieldwork in Pakistan, this research explores the extent to which the official narrative influences the actual practice of China’s development cooperation on the ground. To critically examine CPEC, this chapter uses a monitoring and evaluation framework developed by the Network of Southern Think Tanks (NeST), which is dedicated to generating systematic and clearly comparable knowledge on SSC (Besharati et al. 2017). The findings illustrate that, as per the five broad dimensions of the SSC framework, the China–Pakistan partnership under CPEC has performed well in the four areas of inclusive national ownership, horizontality, self-reliance and sustainability, and development effectiveness, but it has lagged in accountability and transparency.

China’s growing engagement in South Asia has significantly transformed the region’s political, economic, and strategic landscape. Central to this engagement is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a flagship global development strategy aimed at enhancing connectivity, trade, infrastructure development, and regional cooperation. Through large-scale investments in transportation networks, energy projects, ports, and digital infrastructure, China has positioned itself as a key driver of regional integration in South Asia. This study examines China’s role in shaping regional cooperation and integration in South Asia with a particular focus on the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative. It analyzes how BRI-related projects such as the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), port development, and cross-border infrastructure have influenced economic interdependence, regional connectivity, and diplomatic relations among South Asian states. The study also explores challenges associated with BRI, including debt sustainability concerns, geopolitical rivalries, and regional security issues. Using a qualitative research approach based on secondary sources, this research highlights both the opportunities and limitations of China’s BRI in promoting sustainable regional integration in South Asia. The findings suggest that while BRI has enhanced regional connectivity and economic cooperation, its long-term success depends on inclusive development, political stability, and balanced regional diplomacy.

One of the key components of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that has become a model of developmental with numerous socio-economic implications.This study endeavored to examine the social implications of CPEC on the local communities in South Punjab, including the impacts on livelihoods and indigenous culture.The data were collected through a quantitative questionnaire from 400 respondents in four strategically selected districts (Multan, Bahawalpur, Rahim Yar Khan and Dera Ghazi Khan).The results revealed that CPEC has done much in enhancing employment opportunities (M = 4.36, SD = 0.72), household income (M = 4.20, SD = 0.79) and accessibility to education and healthcare (M = 4.25, SD = 0.78).However, there are significant concerns regarding mass displacements through land acquisition (M = 4.28, SD = 0.74), imbalance in the distribution of benefits (M = 4.20, SD = 0.77), and the loss of traditional livelihoods (M = 4.15, SD = 0.79).Multiple regression analysis showed significant association between various CPEC programs dimensions and perceived social impacts.Infrastructural development was identified to be the strongest predictor of perceived social impacts ( = 0.348, p<0.01).Findings recommend a few interventions to foster fairness, skill development, and community inclusion in decision-making to achieve equitable and sustainable development.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), significantly enhancing cooperation and interconnectivity between Pakistan and China. This $62 billion initiative, spanning communication infrastructure, energy, telecommunication, industrial zones, and Gwadar Port, is not just an economic endeavor. It holds immense strategic importance for both regional and extra-regional countries. By enhancing trade routes and transforming Pakistan’s geostrategic importance, particularly through the link between Gwadar Port and Xinjiang, CPEC provides China with direct access to the Arabian Sea. This paper delves into how CPEC strengthens bilateral ties between China and Pakistan, contributes to regional economic and political stability, and serves as a model for international collaboration. The project’s success is underpinned by infrastructure improvements, energy investments, and an expanded transportation network, positioning Pakistan as a key player in global trade and furthering China’s geopolitical and economic ambitions. Beyond development, CPEC fosters a new era of bilateral cooperation and shared strategic objectives, serving as a beacon of international collaboration.

The China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as a flagship component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), has emerged as a transformative framework for infrastructure development, regional connectivity, and economic cooperation in Pakistan. Beyond its traditional focus on trade and transportation, CPEC has created new opportunities for tourism development by facilitating the establishment of integrated tourism corridors across strategically important regions of Pakistan. This study examines the role of CPEC-driven tourism corridors in promoting cross-border tourism development and fostering regional economic integration. The paper explores how enhanced road networks, upgraded transport infrastructure, and improved accessibility to remote tourist destinations such as Gilgit-Baltistan, Hunza, Skardu, Gwadar, and Khunjerab have increased tourism mobility and strengthened Pakistan’s position as a regional tourism hub. By linking Pakistan with China, Central Asia, and South Asia, these corridors enable greater cultural exchange, tourism diversification, and transnational visitor flows. The study adopts a qualitative analytical approach based on secondary data, policy reports, government publications, and existing scholarly literature to evaluate the economic and strategic significance of tourism corridors under CPEC. Findings indicate that CPEC-driven tourism infrastructure contributes significantly to local employment generation, hospitality sector expansion, small business development, and regional income growth. Furthermore, tourism corridors enhance cross-border cooperation by integrating tourism markets and encouraging joint investment opportunities between participating countries. However, several challenges remain, including security concerns, environmental sustainability issues, inadequate tourism services, and regulatory barriers affecting international tourist movement. The paper argues that with effective policy planning, sustainable tourism strategies, and stronger bilateral cooperation, CPEC can redefine Pakistan’s tourism landscape and establish a new paradigm for regional tourism integration. The study concludes that tourism corridors under CPEC represent not only a mechanism for destination development but also a strategic instrument for long-term economic connectivity and regional prosperity in South and Central Asia.