First record of a breeding forest elephant herd in the Lomako Yokokala Faunal Reserve, Democratic Republic of Congo

Between Rhetoric and Action: The Politics, Processes and Practice of the ICC's Work in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the prevalence of mental health issues could be greater than in other low-income and middle-income countries because of major risk factors related to armed conflicts and poverty. Given that mental health is an essential component of health, it is surprising that no systematic evaluation of mental health in the DRC has yet been undertaken. This study aims to undertake the first systematic review of mental health literacy and service provision in the DRC, to bridge this gap and inform those who need to develop an evidence base. This could support policymakers in tackling the issues related to limited mental health systems and service provision in DRC. Following Cochrane and PRISMA guidelines, a systematic (Web of Science, Medline, Public Health, PsycINFO, and Google Scholar) search was conducted (January 2000 and August 2023). Combinations of key blocks of terms were used in the search such as DRC, war zone, mental health, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, depression, sexual violence, war trauma, resilience, mental health systems and service provision. We followed additional sources from reference lists of included studies. Screening was completed in two stages: title and abstract search, and full-text screening for relevance and quality. Overall, 50 studies were included in the review; the majority of studies (n = 31) were conducted in the Eastern region of the DRC, a region devastated by war and sexual violence. Different instruments were used to measure participants’ mental health such as the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist (HSCL-25), The Harvard Trauma Questionnaire, Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9); General Anxiety Disorder (GAD-7), and Positive and Negative Symptoms Scale (PANSS). Our study found that wartime sexual violence and extreme poverty are highly traumatic, and cause multiple, long-term mental health difficulties. We found that depression, anxiety, and PTSD were the most common problems in the DRC. Psychosocial interventions such as group therapy, family support, and socio-economic support were effective in reducing anxiety, depression, and PTSD symptoms. This systematic review calls attention to the need to support sexual violence survivors and many other Congolese people affected by traumatic events. This review also highlights the need for validating culturally appropriate measures, and the need for well-designed controlled intervention studies in low-income settings such as the DRC. Better public mental health systems and service provision could help to improve community cohesion, human resilience, and mental wellbeing. There is also an urgent need to address wider social issues such as poverty, stigma, and gender inequality in the DRC.

The Kivu Ebola epidemic began on 1 August 2018, when four cases of Ebola virus disease (EVD) were confirmed in the eastern region of Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The disease affected the DRC, Uganda, and is suspected to have also affected Tanzania, though the Ministry of Health there never shared information with the WHO. The outbreak was declared ended on 25 June 2020, with a total of 3,470 cases and 2,280 deaths. Other locations in the DRC affected included the Ituri Province, where the first case was confirmed on 13 August 2018. In November 2018, it became the biggest Ebola outbreak in the DRC's history, and by November, it had become the second-largest Ebola outbreak in recorded history, behind only the 2013–2016 Western Africa epidemic. On 3 May 2019, 9 months into the outbreak, the DRC death toll surpassed 1,000. In June 2019, the virus reached Uganda, having infected a 5-year-old Congolese boy who entered with his family, but this was contained. Since January 2015, the affected province and general area have been experiencing a military conflict, which hindered treatment and prevention efforts. The World Health Organization (WHO) has described the combination of military conflict and civilian distress as a potential "perfect storm" that could lead to a rapid worsening of the situation. In May 2019, the WHO reported that, since January of that year, there had been 42 attacks on health facilities and 85 health workers had been wounded or killed. In some areas, aid organizations have had to stop their work due to violence. Health workers also had to deal with misinformation spread by opposing politicians. Due to the deteriorating security situation in North Kivu and surrounding areas, the WHO raised the risk assessment at the national and regional level from "high" to "very high" in September 2018. In October, the United Nations Security Council stressed that all armed hostility in the DRC should come to a stop to address the ongoing outbreak better. A confirmed case in Goma triggered the decision by the WHO to convene an emergency committee for the fourth time, and on 17 July 2019, the WHO announced a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC), the highest level of alarm the WHO can sound. On 15 September 2019, some slowdown of cases was noted in the DRC. However, contact tracing continued to be less than 100%; at the time, it was at 89%. In mid-October the transmission of the virus had significantly reduced; by then it was confined to the Mandima region near where the outbreak began, and was only affecting 27 health zones in the DRC (down from a peak of 207). New cases decreased to zero by 17 February 2020, but after 52 days without a case, surveillance and response teams confirmed three new cases in mid-April. As a new and separate outbreak, was reported on 1 June 2020 in Équateur Province in north-western DRC, described as the eleventh Ebola outbreak since records began; after almost two years the tenth outbreak was declared ended on 25 June 2020, with a total of 3,470 cases and 2,280 deaths.

INTRODUCTIONJust over two decades ago, in 1980, Zimbabwe successfully made the transition from white-minority rule to black-majority rule in what was then Rhodesia. In its early years, most indicators pointed to substantial economic progress and political stability. But today Zimbabwe faces economic ruin and the possibility of civil war.Two recent developments have helped to turn a rather negative international spotlight on Zimbabwe: its controversial intervention in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the political crisis surrounding land invasions and leadership succession. While the two developments are not inextricably linked, they form part of the landscape of Zimbabwe's current political and economic crisis and underline the link between external and domestic policies. This article sets out to shed some light on Zimbabwe's decision to intervene in the DRC and the impact of that decision on the political and economic crisis that now confronts the country.In August 1998, President Robert Mugabe decided to commit Zimbabwean troops to the DRC. The decision to intervene on behalf of the late Laurent Kabila, whose recently installed government was fighting a losing battle against Ugandan- and Rwandan-backed rebels in the east, is puzzling. With no shared borders and no immediate security interests at stake, there appears to be no obvious explanation for Mugabe's decision to commit his country's cash-strapped resources to assisting Kabila's government.Zimbabwe's intervention raises the larger question of whether it is correct to assume that states do not engage in military intervention when they have no direct national interests at stake. The record of humanitarian intervention suggests that states do sometimes intervene militarily, even in the absence of immediate threats to national security. The assumption that Zimbabwe must have a direct stake in the DRC has influenced the argument, especially prevalent in the media, that economic interests of the governing elite and business enterprises explain the decision. The substantial risks posed by Zimbabwe's intervention suggest that other, ultimately more important, factors were at play.(1) By weaving together the complex threads of the larger regional and international contexts, a more convincing explanation for the intervention can be found.At one level, Zimbabwe's decision was a straightforward response to Kabila's request for foreign assistance in the face of Rwandan and Ugandan occupation of the eastern portion of his country. From an international legal standpoint, the response is legitimate. The request was made through the regional institutional framework of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), of which both Zimbabwe and the DRC are members. A collective security provision of the SADC charter states that members will come to the assistance of any other member in the event of an invasion.The DRC's request gave Mugabe an opportunity to assert his leadership in the region, and he was able to exploit the institutional advantage afforded him by his long membership in SADC. Zimbabwe's historic ties to Kabila and his movement, and Mugabe's antipathy to Rwanda and Uganda, with their close ties to the United States, further influenced the decision to intervene. Ultimately, these regional dynamics were more important than considerations of economic gain in influencing the initial decision to intervene and outweighed potential countervailing forces, such as the negative impact on Zimbabwe's already fragile economy, its strained relations with foreign donors, and the fact that it has no direct security interests at stake in the DRC.The argumetn that economic motives were not primary has important policy implications for the resolution of the conflict. Although countries in the region, including Rwanda and Uganda, may be taking economic advantage of their presence in the DRC, it was not the motivating factor for the original intervention. …

Mainstream Media’s Obsession with Africa

This article examines aid effectiveness in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It first discusses how to best measure aid effectiveness. Then, it investigates several contributing factors to the DRC’s current developmental predicaments. To accomplish these, the concepts of Paul Collier’s traps, Erik Reinert’s development theory, and the indicators of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness are utilised as explanatory tools. These variables are combined to seek a holistic approach in investigating the reasons behind the lack of aid effectiveness. A history of conflict is explored and constructs a setting for the DRC’s precarious reality and it is argued that the DRC’s sustained, long-term conflict is one of the main reasons for aid ineffectiveness. Furthermore, the state of industry and the idea of welfare colonialism as detrimental to aid effectiveness in the context of the DRC are explored. Additionally, an investigation of the implementation of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness and the actions of donor countries is provided. This leads to a critique of the practical implementation of aid in the DRC. The conclusion argues for an overall lack of aid effectiveness which has been aggravated by long-term conflict, poor governance, lack of industry, and a dysfunctional Paris Declaration.

This article examines the activities of the UN peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the main problems associated with its organization and conduct. The author analyzes the prospects for effective modernization of the UN mission in this country, taking into account the historical, socio-political, ethnic, economic contradictions existing there. Based on his own experience of participation in the UN mission in the DRC and the experience of his colleagues, the author provides a comprehensive assessment of the conflict and possible ways to resolve it. The research has shown that mission work can be significantly more efficient under certain conditions. The author, on the basis of personal participation in the UN mission in the DRC, for the first time summarized the problem zones in the work of the mission and the reasons for their existence and proposed direction for increasing the efficiency of the UN mission in the DRC, the prospect for its development. Despite the multimillion-dollar infusion, the country has remained one of the most economically backward in the world for decades. Many analysts agree that expensive development projects tend to work for themselves rather than for the Congolese. The shadow economy in the DRC is flourishing, and with it the illegal export of the most valuable minerals (coltan, tungsten, cassiterite, gold, diamonds and much more), the final destination of which is in the largest industrial corporations in Europe and America. As the analysis has shown, the colossal financial flows going to the DRC are primarily aimed at protecting the sphere of raw material interests of foreign companies in this country. This is precisely where the policy of double standards of Western and now Eastern partners is manifested.

Co-creative portraits open space to explore the interaction of photographic subjects and photographers as they collaborate to create intentional images. This still photographic method explores how the space of photographic creation and the resulting photographs not only respond to, but also engage and reflect the immediate inter-subjective, and broader, regional politics. Particularly, I examine this method, and the photographs it produces, in the context of the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo - one of the densest spaces of humanitarian aid in the world. In North Kivu province, photography is produced daily for the purposes of fundraising, advocacy, and accountability. Aid agencies rely on the notion of photographs and their ability to ‘witness’ through portrayals of ‘documentary reality’. However, the visual imagescape of the eastern DRC is not bound by humanitarian imagery alone. In fact it is home to a thriving local photographic enterprise. Through co-creative portraits I examine the overlapping fields of ‘daily vernacular’ and ‘humanitarian photography,’ focusing on how individuals tack back and forth across these types of representation in front of the camera, particularly in response to dialectic social factors including space, time, and in their anticipations of their photographer. Therein, this article makes a two-pronged argument: 1) I argue that co-creative portraits contribute to the production of experiential, anthropological knowledge through photography. 2) With attention to the explanations, movements, and negotiations that produce the photographs, I argue that this method shows the constructed, subjective nature of photography, even in spaces of humanitarian aid.

The Congo Basin forests are a prime location for implementing REDD+. National REDD+ policy processes are ongoing and many REDD+ pilot initiatives are being demonstrated. However, the level of national engagement, progress and distribution of REDD+ activities varies considerably in the different Congo Basin countries. This study therefore uses a set of criteria to assess national and international policy initiatives and approaches for advancing REDD+ implementation in Cameroon and the Democratic Republic Congo (DRC), two countries where more than two thirds of the Congo Basin forests are concentrated. Our findings show that (i) both countries have shown the highest political presence at the international climate negotiations but DRC has invested more in the size of its delegation and side events; (ii) REDD+ donors, initiatives, and funding are disproportionately skewed towards DRC making it technically more advanced; (iii) the high political interest and institutional reforms in DRC favors private sector investments in REDD+ programs; and (iv) the REDD+ policy process is internally-driven in Cameroon with a strong national ownership, while it is externally-driven in DRC with weak national ownership. To advance REDD+, the government of DRC should embark on capacity building programs that ensure the transfer of REDD+ technical know-how from international to national actors while Cameroon needs to speed-up governance reforms and be more flexible in order to attract influential international REDD+ actors. This paper further provides specific recommendations.

To assess antibiotic susceptibility of community-acquired respiratory tract isolates from Ivory Coast, Kenya, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Senegal in 2011-14. Bacterial isolates were collected and MICs determined using Etest(®) for all antibiotics except erythromycin, for which testing was by disc diffusion. Susceptibility was assessed using CLSI, EUCAST and pharmacokinetic/pharmacodynamic (PK/PD) breakpoints. For macrolide interpretation, CLSI breakpoints were adjusted for incubation in CO2. Susceptibility to penicillin (using CLSI oral or EUCAST breakpoints) was low among isolates of Streptococcus pneumoniae from the DRC and Kenya (17.4% and 19%, respectively) but higher among isolates from the Ivory Coast (70%) and Senegal (85.7%). Penicillin susceptibility using CLSI iv breakpoints was higher in all countries, but still only 69.6% in the DRC. Macrolide susceptibility (based on CLSI erythromycin disc diffusion breakpoints) was also low in Kenya (∼65%) but 87%-100% elsewhere. Haemophilus influenzae were only collected in the DRC and Senegal, with β-lactamase prevalence of 39% and 4%, respectively. Furthermore, β-lactamase-negative ampicillin-resistant (BLNAR) isolates were found in DRC (four isolates, 17%), but only two isolates were found in Senegal (by EUCAST definition). Amoxicillin/clavulanic acid in vitro susceptibility was 73.9% in the DRC and 100% in Senegal based on CLSI breakpoints, but this reduced to 65.2% in the DRC when BLNAR rates were considered. Clarithromycin susceptibility was >95% in both countries. There was considerable variability in antibiotic susceptibility among the African countries participating in the surveillance programme. Thus, continued surveillance is necessary to track future changes in antibiotic resistance. Use of EUCAST versus CLSI breakpoints showed profound differences for cefaclor and ofloxacin against S. pneumoniae, with EUCAST showing lower susceptibility.

Sustainability of National Immunization Programme (NIP) performance and financing following Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI) support to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)

Combating Low-level Corruption on Waterways in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Approaches from Bandundu and Equateur Provinces

Antenatal care utilization in the fragile and conflict-affected context of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Introduction Two major trends have been observed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) over the past decades: the increasing number of licences issued to open wholesale pharmaceutical establishments and the circulation of medicines of questionable quality. These trends raise serious concerns about population health. Purpose The aim of this study was to assess compliance with Good Distribution Practices (GDP) and ISO 9001:2015 standards among wholesale pharmaceutical establishments (WPEs) operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Methods This cross-sectional study was conducted from January to June 2025 in the city of Kinshasa. Twenty-five pharmaceutical depots were randomly selected from a total of 110 wholesale pharmaceutical establishments listed by ACOREP in Kinshasa Province. Data were collected using two assessment tools (one for GDP and the other for ISO 9001:2015), direct observation of infrastructure, and semi-structured interviews with managers. The collected data were analysed using the chi-squared test to assess homogeneity and heterogeneity between establishments. Results Statistical analysis revealed significant heterogeneity among the studied establishments. Of the 25 pharmaceutical warehouses assessed, the reported p-values varied according to the evaluated standards and parameters. Regarding GDP, only one parameter demonstrated homogeneity, namely the documentation system (p = 0.622). All other parameters showed significant heterogeneity: quality system (p = 0.0239), personnel (p = 0.001), medicine storage (p < 0.001), and information technology systems (p = 0.0295). For ISO 9001:2015, homogeneity was observed for leadership (p = 1), planning (p = 0.854), and performance evaluation (p = 0.638). However, heterogeneity was identified in organisational context (p < 0.001), support (p < 0.001), operational activities (p < 0.001), and continuous improvement (p = 0.0716). Conclusion Compliance with GDP and ISO 9001:2015 standards remains insufficient in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, particularly with regard to ensuring the quality and safety of medicines. Continuous auditing and inspection of wholesale pharmaceutical establishments are required nationwide, especially in Kinshasa, where more than 70% of such establishments are located. Continuing professional education on GDP and ISO standards for pharmacists and their staff must be strengthened according to a structured schedule. The role of the responsible pharmacist should also be reinforced, and warehouse owners must make substantial contributions to quality assurance efforts. The observed operational heterogeneity among wholesale pharmaceutical establishments compromises medicine quality assurance in Kinshasa. Urgent action by health authorities is required to safeguard the health security of the Congolese population.

BackgroundThe loss of chloroquine (CQ) effectiveness has led to its withdrawal from national policies as a first-line treatment for uncomplicated malaria in several endemic countries, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The K76T mutation on the pfcrt gene has been identified as a marker of CQ resistance and the SVMNT haplotype in codons 72–76 on the same gene has been associated with resistance to amodiaquine (AQ). In the DRC, the prevalence of K76T has decreased from 100% in 2000 to 63.9% in 2014. The purpose of this study was to determine the prevalence of K76T mutations in circulating strains of Plasmodium falciparum, 16 years after CQ withdrawal in the DRC and to investigate the presence of the SVMNT haplotype.MethodsIn 2017, ten geographical sites across the DRC were selected. Dried blood samples were collected from patients attending health centres. Malaria was first detected by a rapid diagnostic test (RDT) available on site (SD Bioline Malaria Ag Pf or CareStart Malaria Pf) or thick blood smear and then confirmed by a P. falciparum species-specific real-time PCR assay. A pfcrt gene segment containing a fragment that encodes amino acids at positions 72–76 was amplified by conventional PCR before sequencing.ResultsA total of 1070 patients were enrolled. Of the 806 PCR-confirmed P. falciparum positive samples, 764 were successfully sequenced. The K76T mutation was detected in 218 samples (28.5%; 95% CI 25.4%–31.9%), mainly (96%) with the CVIET haplotype. Prevalence of CQ resistance marker was unequally distributed across the country, ranging from 1.5% in Fungurume to 89.5% in Katana. The SVMNT haplotype, related to AQ resistance, was not detected.ConclusionOverall, the frequency of the P. falciparum CQ resistance marker has decreased significantly and no resistance marker to AQ was detected in the DRC in 2017. However, the between regions variability of CQ resistance remains high in the country. Further studies are needed for continuous monitoring of the CQ resistance level for its prospective re-use in malaria management. The absence of the AQ resistance marker is in line with the use of this drug in the current DRC malaria treatment policy.