From Durkheim to Hocart

Abstract: Some recent efforts to reconceptualize contemporary Native gender systems (1) argue that tribal and band political life is best understood by reference to social formations other than gender systems and (2) rely on poorly defined notions of one feature of the gender system, role flexibility. This article argues that these two issues are connected; differences in role flexibility by sex help channel the political participation of men and women. Several notions of role flexibility, each with different properties and implications for women's political role, are employed in the literature. A comparative framework of role flexibility is constructed, building on the work of Kopytoff (1991), and ethnographic examples are used to build the case that the analysis of gender (including role flexibility) is important in understanding Native women's recent successes in politics. An interesting problem in the literature on Native North Americans is understanding how aboriginal gender systems have been transformed in the post-contact period, an effort made difficult by inadequate knowledge of precontact gender systems. One key aspect of these transformations is the focus of this article: scholars have been struck by the assumption of important political and economic roles in Native communities by women in the second half of the 20th century (Albers 1989 reviews this literature). Perhaps the most visible emerging position in clarifying the connections between gender and political and economic life is to argue that gender is not necessarily useful as a category of analysis, because gender is constructed fundamentally differently in Native communities than in non-Native communities; because gender is not a super-ordinate status in Native communities; because Native communities; frequently are egalitarian and structured around kin and not gender relations; and because changes in political life and in the allocation of work are not regarded as gendered issues by Natives themselves. For example, Albers (1989:160) argued that many forms of work and leadership are not sex-typed in a fixed and narrow way. As an indication of this, she (ibid.:136) noted that Importantly, when people achieved a prestige through channels most often utilized by the opposite sex, it was not perceived as a threat to established notions of femininity or masculinity (Spindler and Spindler 1979:36-37; Whitehead 1981:104-109). Gender and other social roles are apparently not in conflict in such cases. Bourque and Warren, in describing the nature of sex roles in an egalitarian society, suggested that individual traits outweigh sex-linked traits in political life: Sex roles, to the extent that they were marked at all, would be highly flexible and individually variable. In such a society, competence, and not sex, would determine how decisions are made, resources allocated, and activities undertaken (1981:48). Initially scholars have benefited from the realization that the nature of Western gender systems, with highly partitioned male and female roles, has created difficulties in understanding fundamentally different Native systems. This realization led correctly to questioning whether an emphasis on gender in generating new explanations of Native social organization would produce the insights it has for Western societies. Such a position can mislead as well as enlighten, however, and I argue that in some communities contemporary Native political life cannot be understood without accounting first for gender, and cannot be explained adequately by reference to other social processes and institutions. This article is intended as a corrective. I do this, in part, by examining whether individual traits outweigh sex-linked traits in political life, and whether Native women have moved into new political and economic roles without drawing reactions in their communities. I suggest that in some cases debate on women's political role is not carried out publicly, but nonetheless is significant. …

This chapter examines the critical nexus that exists between suffering, aesthetics, and the social formations of diaspora as articulated in contemporary Indo-Caribbean and Sikh popular art. While we retain a commitment to our ethnographic examples in the areas of South Asian art, music, and performance throughout the text, we have arranged our argument around two thematic fields: (1) the framing of the relationship between art and suffering (including discourses on trauma) in the contemporary theory of art and aesthetics and (2) the conceptualization of diaspora as an aesthetic force with the capacity to produce particular subjectivities. Despite the widely recognized historic specificities and the fluctuating cultural makeup of diverse diaspora formations, scholarly research has for a considerable time prioritized the various cultural, political, and social forces that solidify social imaginations of places of origin (the ancestral home) and the collective destinies binding a people to these places. Acknowledging the possible range of diasporic junctures and the distinct forms of collective social imagination resulting from them, typologies of diaspora (e.g., Cohen 2008) have nonetheless often prioritized the significance of (post)traumatic loss and suffering as one of the key foci for diasporic memories.1KeywordsDance PerformanceHindu TempleAmerican FolkloreIndian DiasporaIndenture VideoThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

The sites of pilgrimage have always been places in which to surpass oneself, to return to the source and to have a change of scenery. In the midst of modernity they continue to attract large numbers of people where the pilgrim archetype, the pilgrim voyager, the tourist and the holidaymaker all rub shoulders. Certainly, the significance is not the same for all these different types of people. It varies according to the process of socialization, the life environment and the objective conditions of existence. There, we effectively have an echo of the existential experience of the agents and of the different types of collective life. This text wishes to grasp the significance of the pilgrimage in its concrete form at Fatima, among the agents of the popular classes who have interiorized a religious version of the world, and who live as emigrants, marked by a material “lack”, the “loss” of emotional ties and spaces and by the melancholy that all this engenders. Through analysis of the components of this type of pilgrimage (voyage, representation of the tragedy of existence in the promises, situation and life of the crowd) and of the logic which links them together (empty/full; disorder/order) we try to furnish some elements of verification of the following assumption: the pilgrimage to Fatima for this type of agent is at different times the expression of a poetical and mystical experience of space and of time. Analysis of the contents subjacent to our approach will show us that the pilgrimage is a “topic” of popular mysticism. It is there that a link is made between the real history of these popular classes and a “history with a difference”, where a mystical word on their historicity is joined.

This article focuses on the financialization of housing production in the Brussels‐Capital Region, examining the increased presence and use of financial capital in housing production. Information collected by local administrations when granting building permits is used to undertake a large‐scale examination of companies involved in housing provision in Brussels in the 2000s in order to identify the origins of capital invested in housing development projects and to assess to what extent it can be considered as ‘financialized’. The use of this data set allows me to estimate the ‘market share’ of financial capital in housing production and to analyse the geography of these investments in the built environment. This spatial analysis also provides some insights for a discussion about the possible social consequences of this influx of financial capital into the urban space. The task of empirically ‘measuring’ financialization raises numerous methodological questions. A choice has to be made between a wide range of definitions, both for financial activities and the financialization process. Moreover, for the purpose of quantifying the phenomenon, these concepts are made operational and turned into indicators. In addition to providing information about the investment of financial capital in housing production and the concrete forms it may take in a city such as Brussels, I venture to suggest that this article also contributes to the methodological ‘toolbox’ available to researchers in the field of financialization.

Assessing the impact of calculation methods on the variability of Young’s modulus for hemp concrete material

ABSTRACTThe global cycle of carbon (C) has raised attention in recent decades due to the great increase in carbon dioxide levels (CO2) levels in the atmosphere and its influence on climate change. Calcareous soils represent a significant fraction of the areas with potential for agriculture and have differential attributes, such as high calcium contents, magnesium, carbonates, and pH values. These attributes have been ignored in analytical procedures despite these characteristics, resulting in an overestimation or underestimation of the soil carbon. Several methods have been proposed for determining the soil carbon contents, however, studies evaluating the analytical procedures of C quantification methods, considering the soil characteristics, such as the calcareous soils, are needed, in order to improve their accuracy. Therefore, the objective of this work was to evaluate and compare methods for C determination and to propose adjustments in the methodology for calcareous soil analysis. The Yeomans and Bremner (YB) was the most efficient method for quantification of organic C among the wet oxidation methods. On the other hand, the Donagemma (WB) method underestimated the organic carbon contents. The results showed that the samples must be macerated and pretreated with a hydrochloric acid solution for the use of CHNS-O, in order to eliminate carbonates in the form of nodules and concretions.

Cross-correlation patterns in social opinion formation with sequential data

In the late twentieth century historians of education came to argue that the urban experience can only be fully understood through the social processes and social relations associated with schooling. The new 'social history' of education has thus often been closely aligned to the history of cities. In Australia the 'new' social history of the city has often been written in terms of family formation, sometimes related to the history of childhood, but there has only been marginal attention to the specific nature of education in Sydney as an urban phenomenon.
 
 This essay focuses on Sydney schools and other educational institutions, although it raises questions about social processes and social formations. It suggests that the history of education in Sydney can be understood in a number of phases and themes, each related to the changing social history of Sydney. Informal education had long been part of the culture of indigenous society prior to the British invasion of 1788. In the early colonial period, up to about 1830, governments established schools for the children of convicts based in Sydney and even for Aboriginal children. There were also 'private venture' schools for the sons and sometimes daughters of free settlers. In the period from 1830 to 1870 the city of Sydney emerged as a metropolitan centre of educational establishments including schools, colleges and the University. From around 1870 to the end of World War II, with the growth of the city of Sydney and its suburbs, schooling was increasingly related to social class, gender and religion as part of suburban life. From 1945, the 'neighbourhood' school and even the 'local' university has become part of a pattern of regional differences associated with the expansion of the city through migration and population growth.

This thesis studies collective action and social change in indigenous rural organisations (IRO) in the Bolivian Andes. I focus on the effects and importance that these organisations have in the historical process of regional development as social spaces that encapsulate different projects of social, political and economic modernity. I reconstruct the practices and situations that turn rural indigenous organisations into significant spaces in which individuals and groups of people put into practice their life projects and their aspirations of modernity. The main question of this thesis is: what are indigenous rural organisations in the Bolivian Andes and what are their contributions to regional development? To answer this question, I argue that we need to leave aside social constructivism and rational action present in current studies of indigenous rural organisations in the Andes that use the concept social capital. These organisations are not essences, totalities, nor are they are stable. Also, they are a more complex process than mere rational and technocratic action. IRO are contextual and situational spaces of social life that contain significant elements or objects, which are material and immaterial. These spaces are heterogeneities of humans and objects united by shared significant objects that are emergent, original and intensive. In this sense this organisations represent meshworks that interweave the changeable relationships between entities (humans and objects) and practices, and encompass the possibility of social change. These meshworks have different dimensions (economical, social, cultural, political). In each one of those, the flow of practices, interactions and experiences of individuals and groups of individuals simultaneously unify and break meaning, identity, affect, materiality and also regulation. I study three kindsof indigenous rural organisations fromthe Perisalar (the Bolivian Southern highlands): communities which are based on kinship relationships, ayllus which are ethnic groups and quinoa producer organisations. Communities are social spaces that contain significant elements of modernity, such as the desire for access to State education and to enjoy citizens’ rights, the wish for agricultural machinery and to produce for the global market, the diversity of livelihoods and the affirmation of racial and class identity. Ayllus are made by community assemblages and many comunarios belong to quinoa Producer Organisations. In this sense ayllus and producer organisations are important social spaces as they contain significant elements present in the communities. I present the social life of IRO starting from the intersection of local development practices and experiences with other social spaces: the market, migratory destinations, education, social movements and institutional intervention. In order to better understand the effects of social change and IRO, I chose a long-term historical vision, considering the emerging effects of the intersection of local and external practices and experiences, before and during the quinoa commoditisation process. The study concludes that IRO in the Bolivian Andes, are meshworks made by vibrant humans and objects with social vitality and intensity. They have the capacity to actualise significant elements of an economic, social, cultural and political character, in interaction with the Nation-State and the global market. These organisations increase through global market the vibrant character of significant elements such as quinoa, and by their recognition by the State they provide semi-autonomy to their members, and a space to make recognised their citizenship and their trade union, racial and class identities, and to locally redesign the State. Memory, identity and affect reveal the potential of IRO in repositioning past reminiscences and ancestral properties, and at the same time claim for a future that does not contain the same substance of that which is “the Andean”, “the Aymara” or “the Quechua”, rather incorporates new elements that lead to multiple “(neo)Andeans”, “(neo)Aymaras” and “(neo)Quechuas” forms, present in each and every one of the partial connections. These organisations contain a variety of symbols, discourses and practices that correspond to heterogeneous knowledge and forms of socialisation and thinking of modernity that sometimes result in tension, fissure and conflict without however being fragmented. That is why structuralism, institutionalism and rationalism partially explain the agency in ambiguous and eclectic social spacessuch areIRO, whose limitsare constantly redefined by the flow of experience of its members. Development through these organisations is a social process, experiential and unpredictable, reflexive and corporeal, cognitive and performative, that contains both cohesion and tear. For understanding IRO contribution to rural development we must describe the relational and the imaginative in the wishes and processes of social change and regional developmentand grasp the relevance of its individual members’ experiences and practices in the creation of social ties. Methodologically this leads us to dissolve analytical categories and to follow and observe individuals past and present practices and their intersections with other individuals, groups, structures and significant objects. Our study underlines the significance of human-object relation as a starting point for generating new analytical frameworks in indigenous Andean organizations.

Current developments in biomedicine promise a genetically engineered and better future.(1) A would mean incorporating more high technology medicine into the habits of everyday life. The order of the body, that is, the sense of how we should look, act, and perform, would become the domain of conventional medicine, and we would look to medicine to intervene in human performance, ability, and even character when we thought these were less than they should be. Our willingness to accept medicine in this capacity would require the deeper conviction that technological developments and scientific discoveries are proper measures of human progress.(2) Such attitudes are not remote from contemporary values. We live in an era in which many personal and social problems are treated as if they were matters capable of technical solution-the interventionist response to infertility through in vitro fertilization is an example. Such a belief system conceals from us the probability that advanced technology will not successfully solve the complex social problems we think it should. Moreover it grants to advanced technology, and those who own and control it, a high social value. Indeed, so highly valued is technical knowledge that it can supersede moral considerations and argument in providing a base upon which therapeutic and research decisions are taken. For example, the widespread use of amniocentesis and chorionic villus sampling, which foretell the sex, health, parentage, and future diseases of the fetus, has the immediate appeal of decreasing the numbers of damaged and defective newborns by indicating the need to terminate a pregnancy but, simultaneously, the same technology has the latent function of determining which human lives are more valuable, or in utilitarian terms, which individuals are potential welfare burdens to the community in the long term. Measuring the future capacities of a fetus is a form of human accounting that estimates the individual's future costs or contribution to the society. As early diagnostic and screening procedures become technically commonplace, a classification of human traits deemed suitable for remediation is simultaneously coming into effect. In the future, as more of our genetic abilities and characteristics are foretold by technically sophisticated probes, we would look to medicine to intervene to ensure that our physical appearance and capacities are in accord with current standards of normalcy.(3) In these circumstances, the practices of biomedicine have the latent function of social engineering. Michel Foucault has argued that this is characteristic of medicine in the West, whose development is coterminus with an account of how social power is accumulated by an elite profession through its increasingly esoteric technical base.(4) The rapid increase in the medicalization of various human conditions has served to promulgate the view that medicine can perfect human life. Many of the current well publicized developments in medicine such as genetic testing, transgenic engineering, organ transplants, and so on, promise a perfected human in a future bio-utopia where debilitating diseases and degeneration have been effectively eliminated.(5) In such a future, our dependence on medicine to specify and regulate how we should live and behave has the effect of indenturing us to the professional ambitions of medicine. The point must be emphasized that medicine has not been greatly successful in raising the standards of health across the community. On the contrary, history has shown a different view.(6) However, the image and status of medicine are such that its promises to rid us of this disability and that discomfort have seemed immediately plausible. Thus, the elite position of the profession is assured and many opportunites for further expansion are gleaned from its promissory image of a bio-utopian future. Viewing medicine through a Foucauldian perspective is to be less concerned with social consequences that may result from specific biomedical achievements and more aware of the pan that the medical technocrat plays in directing social and government policy in matters that affect the individual's general life chances. …

In this paper we deal with the processes of socialization within few overlapping groups: globalization, localization and urbanization. Focus is put on conditions and consequences of socialization in time and on the conditions of social transition in Serbia. The general context for the sociological analysis are the urban societies. The hypothesis dealt with in the paper is that exactly within the urban societies, which are dominant, the models of values are strongly changed: this brings to the construction of new forms and characters of contemporary processes of socialization.

This article offers a theoretical and analytical reflection on the connections between work, subjectivity, and health, examining how different forms of management can function as both mechanisms of care and control. It builds on the assumption that work is not merely a technical activity but a social, symbolic, and political process that shapes identities and meanings, capable of generating both fulfillment and suffering. Drawing on authors such as Dejours, Antunes, Codo, and Seligmann-Silva, the text posits that mental illness is not a matter of individual failure but emerges from organizational conditions, control mechanisms, and the meritocratic logic that permeates the world of work. The article discusses psychosocial risks and protective factors, highlighting recognition, cooperation, and participation as essential elements for occupational health. It analyzes the concept of a control society, focusing on rhizomatic control, which is amplified by technology and mobilizes subjectivity through subtle mechanisms of compliance and self-control. The criticism of the logic of performance and merit highlights their harmful effects on cooperation, solidarity, and the meaning of work, as well as the role of organizational culture as an instrument of symbolic power. Finally, a critical agenda is proposed, centered on recognition, care, and institutional transformation. This agenda advocates for management practices that are more ethical, dialogical, and sensitive to individual experiences. In this context, health is conceived as a collective construction and a struggle for dignity, participation, and justice in the worlds of work, acknowledging the central role of ethical, affective, and symbolic dimensions in the work experience.

Part Five, Virtual Injuries and Rewards, elucidates the kinds of diminishments and aggrandizements that art’s actions effect in us, exposing their social consequences, and then returns us to the topic of art’s relation to habitus. The virtual emotions, actions, and ideas we grapple with in art (such as the grief considered in Chapters 7 and 8) are not inert but move and shape us in consequential ways, influencing our health, social standing, prospects, and ability to affiliate with or disentangle ourselves from social forms. The insults and rewards perpetuated by the racist structures we inherit from the transatlantic slave trade, which arguably moved the medieval world into modernity, are the occasion of two final chapters. Chapter 9 considers a colonial photograph of Jamaican sugar laborers and a Tracy K. Smith poem about the photograph that draws on Milton’s postural politics (Chapter 4). In these worrisome artifacts, ductus is powerful in savory and unsavory ways that reveal how profoundly art engages our proprioception, stimulates contradictory responses, and makes us aware of what we can choose and what we can’t among the meanings of our sensations. The flesh of art engages us by means of its ductility and intervenes in the hierarchies of social subordination and elevation that place us with respect to one another in social space.

Introduction: Church History as a Cultural System Part I: Social Form, 1590-1690 Reverend Histories: Geography and Landscape Parts, Persons, and Participants in the Commonwealth: Social Relations, Institutions, and Authority Under the Hand of God: Parish Communities and Rites of Mortality Part II: Social Process, 1590-1690 Circumcisions of the Heart: Church Courts, Social Relations, and Religious Conflict, 1591-1620 A Circle of Order: The Politics of Religious Symbolism, 1631-1640 To Unchurch a Church: Civil War and Revolution, 1642-1660 Astraea Redux: Religious Conflict, Restoration, and the Parish, 1660-1689 Bloody Stratagems and Busy Heads: Persecution, Avoidance, and the Structure of Religion, 1666-1689 Conclusion. Symbol and Boundary: Relgious Belief, Ceremony, and Social Order Appendix 1. Tables Appendix 2. Accusations of Witchcraft in Tewkesbury Notes Manuscript Sources Index

The social mobility in industrial society might be brought about by various factors. However, there must be at least social norms which positively approve the mobility on the cultural level. And also there must be socialization process which internalizes those norms and makes members of society mobility-oriented.The deferred gratification theory can get meaning in this context. Though they have much wider perspectives than social mobility, researches on “achievement motivation” by McClelland and his associates focuses more directly on the personality factor in mobility.The researches of that type in Japan such as by Prof s. Hayashi and.Yasuda, however, don't seem to coincide with McClelland's anticipation and results. I think the main reason for this is the concept of achievement motivation itself should be bound by American culture. As the concept is based on the individualistic and self-assertive culture of highly competitive American society, it could easily be correlated with independence and self-reliance training. But culture like Japanese which has non-individualistic and so to say “other-involving” orientation, and “passive socialization” as well as appreciation of “amae” relationship in that culture, might show the possibility of achievement (motivation). that doesn't necessarily associate with independence training.Then I proposed that such weakness of psychological study of achievement motivation should be offset by the sociological approach to the motivation as C. W. Mills suggests. From this position, the study of mobility motivation as the consequence of socialization will be considered more productive.