Gender Identity and Aggression.

This study aims to describe the mathematical synthesis ability of students of Mathematics Education at the University of Palangka Raya in terms of masculine and feminine gender identities. The type of research is qualitative research. The research subjects were 4 second semester students of mathematics education consisting of 2 students each with a masculine or feminine gender identity. Determination of the subject using purposive sampling. For data collection, the method of questionnaires, tests, and interviews was used. Data validity using triangulation method. The results of this study are students with feminine gender identity have good mathematical synthesis skills because they meet the three indicators of mathematical synthesis ability, namely finding theories or relationships, predicting, and evaluating. Meanwhile, students with masculine gender identity have mathematical synthesis abilities that are not good enough, because even though they can meet the indicators of finding theories or relationships and evaluating, students with masculine gender identities fail to carry out plans and the settlement process properly, resulting in errors in problem solving.

Chief complaint: “I feel like I have the brain of a man. Am I crazy?” On her first visit to a psychiatrist ( J.M.B.), “Ms. C,” a 48year-old woman, asked this question about her confused gender identity. Having also discovered a primary sexual attraction to women, Ms. C was having difficulty reconciling her church’s injunctions against sinful homosexual activities with her sense of herself as fundamentally male. She was dressed in a subtly frilly blouse and leather jacket she called “my leather-and-lace look.” Encircling each wrist were tattooed bracelets, traceries of curlicues and rosebuds that gently contradicted pearl earrings and a delicate gold locket. Born in the early 1950s and raised resolutely as a girl, Ms. C did not learn until she was 23 and married the unusual circumstances of her birth. Her mother finally divulged that she had entered the world with strange-looking genitals—neither male nor female. Doctors told her parents it was best to remove the odd tissue, fashion what remained to look female, and raise her as if nothing unusual had happened. At 6 months, surgeons removed both external tissue and presumed intra-abdominal testicular tissue and fashioned labia around the vaginal entrance she had always had. In grade school, she was told her large abdominal scar resulted from herniorrhaphy. At 12, after starting daily estrogen pills to induce puberty, she developed breasts and feminine curves, although without menarche or an increase in height beyond 5 feet. Her mother said she could not have children but did not explain why. She recalls being a tomboy who preferred boys for playmates. Because of her small stature and feminine appearance, however, boys were not particularly comfortable hanging out with her. Then, as now, she identified with the way males think rather than a sense of being physically male. She dated boys in high school, had a sexual experience with a woman during college, and married a man with whom she enjoyed satisfying marital relations for nearly two decades until they experienced a menage a trois. Her husband fell in love with the other woman, and she kindled awareness of her greater attraction to women than men. The marriage ended, and she embarked upon two long-term lesbian relationships and a struggle with alcoholism. Ms. C found sobriety and her church while that second relationship was unraveling. Welcomed and spiritually nurtured by church members, she felt happy except for increasing discontent with her pastor’s insistence that homosexual desires were her “cross to bear” and her options were either heterosexual marriage or celibacy. On one hand, her personal theology concurred that homosexuality was against God’s plan. On the other, she struggled with identifying herself as either man or woman, a dilemma her pastor could not solve. Ms. C’s childhood medical records had been lost. The psychiatrist asked if she had been karyotyped, given her unusual birth. She did not know. When she was born, chromosome testing was not routinely available. Given medical advice to raise her unquestioningly as a girl, the issue had not resurfaced. The psychiatrist suggested the test, and when results revealed 45,X/ 46,XY chromosomes, 75% the latter, the fragments—the childhood operation, hormones, her short stature, “brain of a man”—fell into place. She immediately reported feeling “less of a freak” now that she had a name—“intersexual”—for her condition.

A Systematic Review of Inflammatory Bowel Disease Epidemiology and Health Outcomes in Sexual and Gender Minority Individuals

This article examines the experiences of 25 persons who were assigned female status at birth but do not wish to live as women and take on a masculine or queer gender identity. We employ the concept of “gendered embodiment” and introduce the concept of “sexualized embodiment” to highlight what is involved in this process. We ask how experiencing a masculine gender identity is reflexively tied to a trans man's sexuality and the ways in which these two embodiments are tightly, moderately, or loosely coupled. For example, a tight coupling appeared when trans men began to use testosterone and obtained surgery such as breast removal; a moderate coupling was found where gender validation was sought from a sexual partner (with this being related to sexual preference identities as well as the interpretation of vaginal penetration); the loosest coupling of the gender‐sexuality embodiments was linked to the liberality of the locale and whether “queer” identities could be easily adopted. In sum, our research demonstrates the link between gender and sexuality as a result of the body work trans men do and the historical and geographical situations in which they find themselves.

This study has aimed at tracing the effects of migration on constructions of masculinities among Chinese male migrants in Australia. As no studies of this type have been undertaken in Austraha despite the waves of migrants of diverse ethnicities over the past half-century, this work will contribute to the body of knowledge on gender identities and migration. The study adopts a qualitative methodology where data collected in semi-structured, in-depth interviews were managed and analysed using the qualitative software package Atlas/ti. This package facilitated the processes of coding and memoing and the development of conceptual and theoretical networks.These male migrants of mainly middle-class professional backgrounds have lived in Australia for various lengths of time and vary in age from 19 years to 58 years. They are part of the skilled and relatively highly educated Chinese diaspora which, despite its ethnicity, has its origins in several different countries. Several of these males are gay and single but the majority are heterosexual, married and have children either bom in Australia or overseas. Most of these Chinese migrants are either engineers, importers-exporters or involved with the information technology or hospitality industries. Several are academics employed in tertiary education.For most of these males, unlike their non-Chinese peers in Australia, gender and sexual behaviour are not central to their lives. Hard work, educational achievement, accumulation of wealth and responsibilities for family are central to their lives and important markers of manhood. Sport, recreation and leisure are secondary in their lives except as diversion from hard work or as a form of social interaction assisting in the development of business connections. These males are insular, have little knowledge of Ausfralian masculinities except for stereotypes, are sexually conservative, and perceive the consumption of alcohol, sport participation and spectatorship and the development of large, well-muscled bodies as unimportant to their gender identities. Gay men are the exception in terms of their emphasis on sexual behaviour and the importance of particular body types and physical attractiveness.Most of these males have not become more sensitised to sexual or gender identities since migration and have been able to protect the traditional patriarchy by remaining insular during the settlement process. In very few cases has there been a change in the domestic division of labour and most of these males prefer to be the sole provider and are ambivalent about spouses working. Even the younger males who see some economic necessity for their spouses to work have negative attitudes to this activity. Previous migration experiences, especially for those who migrated elsewhere for primary or secondary education, appear to be significant for some of the males who played sport and engaged in sexual activities with non-Chinese women. Most of these males, however, have returned to more traditional Chinese male practices in terms of involvement with Chinese women, sexual conservativeness and being the sole family provider.Unlike Western males, these Chinese males with very few exceptions place no emphasis on gender and sexual identities and the Western concept of masculinity has little applicability for them. In most cases these Chinese men in Australia appear to be different from their Asian American peers (as reported in the North American literature) who seem to be more sensitised to sexual and gender identities.The findings of this study of the reconstructions of male gender identity during the settlement process in Australia indicate that the markers of masculinity for Australian males have little relevance for these Chinese male migrants. The masculinities of these migrant males are reinforced in the family and Chinese social networks that emphasise hard work, educational achievement and the accumulafion of wealth. Mutual reinforcement is afforded the patriarchy by the practices of these males in their families. The results of this study clearly demonstrate that a new men's studies or a sociology of masculinities must employ concepts which display a greater cultural awareness and sensitivity, or masculinity studies will remain ethnocentric and in the morass of being applicable to less than five percent of men. Further, this new direction must be led by work that concentrates on the subjective experiences of men in the context of their lived worlds.

A standard table was developed to facilitate the unambiguous identification of growth stages and gender of sambar deer (Rusa unicolor unicolor) calves from newborn to one year in Horton plains national park, Sri Lanka (HPNP). This was developed by evaluating the phenotypic characteristics of sambar deer calves (n=97±34) of known growth stages in 2018. A standard table was prepared based on their sex, shape of the snout, shape of the head and forehead between ears, size of the ears for the face, size of the neck, shape of the body, shape of the belly, shape of the back, size of the body and the behavior. The accuracy of the table was tested by using experienced people (n=30) who are regular visitors at HPNP. The average number of sambar deer in HPNP grassland in year 2018, during the study period was 919. In new born calves the accuracy of identification of gender was 83% and the accuracy of identification of growth phase was 87%. Identification of both sex and the growth phase of newborn calves simultaneously was 77% accurate. When the calves reach two weeks from birth, the accuracy of identifying their sex was increased to 93% whereas their growth phase was identified with 90% accuracy. The accuracy of identifying both sex and the growth phase simultaneously was 83% in calves two weeks after birth. When the calves reached five months from calving, the accuracy of identification of both sex and the growth phase increased to 100%. Calves at six months age, the identification of growth phase was 97% accurate. Accuracy of identifying of both gender and the growth phase simultaneously was 97%. In the sample between six months and one year the accuracy of identification of gender and growth phase was 95%. Starting from newborn stage to six months of age, the accuracy of identification based on the characters of the standard table increased steadily. However, upon reaching six months, there was a declination of identifying both gender and the growth phase of the sambar deer in HPNP simultaneously. Keywords: Sambar deer calves, Gender, Growth phase, Horton Plains

9. Photovoice: Empowering Transgender And Gender-Expansive Youth

Prevalence and factors associated with bullying: differences between the roles of bullies and victims of bullying

In many studies on gender-diverse youth (GDY), those whose gender identity and sex assigned at birth do not fully align, researchers cite the 2017 Youth Risk Behavior Survey finding that 1.8% of US high school students identify as “transgender.”1 This was the first nationally representative prevalence estimate of GDY and was higher than previous estimates. However, the question assessing gender identity (“Do you identify as transgender?”) likely underrepresents the prevalence of GDY because many do not identify with the word “transgender.” As an alternative, researchers recommend a 2-step question: (1) What was your sex assigned at birth? (2) Which of the following best describes your gender identity?2,3Much of the research involving GDY has been conducted in clinical settings, in which there is a predominance of white and masculine-identified youth.4–7 GDY of color, specifically Black and Hispanic transgender women, are more likely than other gender-diverse people to experience violence and socioeconomic disadvantage because of systemic racism and transmisogyny.8 These systemic inequities likely result in decreased access to gender-affirming care. Because access to gender-affirming care is associated with improved health outcomes,9 identifying groups who are not receiving care is vital to creating more equitable access to care for all GDY, but especially Black and Hispanic transgender women. The goal of this study was to assess the prevalence of GDY in a school-based sample to (1) document the prevalence of GDY by using a 2-step approach and (2) examine prevalence by race and ethnicity and gender identity.In October of 2018, a modified version of the Youth Risk Behavior Survey was distributed to ninth- to 12th-graders in 13 high schools, reaching 91% of the ∼4930 students in a Northeastern midsized city school district. The survey included a 2-step gender identity question: (1) “What is your sex (the sex you were assigned at birth, on your birth certificate)?” with the options “female” and “male” and (2) “Which of the following best describes you (select all that apply)?” with the options “girl,” “boy,” “trans girl,” “trans boy,” “genderqueer,” “nonbinary,” and “another identity.” Of 4730 returned surveys, 37 were found to be unreadable, and 243 were deemed mischievous responders or had <20 answered questions. An additional 1282 participants skipped questions regarding race and ethnicity or gender identity and were excluded from this analysis. Descriptive statistics were calculated by using Stata/SE, version 15.1 (Stata Corp, College Station, TX).Of 3168 surveys analyzed, incongruence between gender identity and sex assigned at birth was identified in 291 participants (9.2%; Table 1). This prevalence was 7.1% among white youth and higher among American Indian, Alaskan Native, Asian American, Pacific Islander, and/or Native Hawaiian, Hispanic, Black, and multiracial youth (13.4%, 14.4%, 9.9%, and 8.7% respectively). Gender identity among GDY was split between masculine (29.9%), feminine (38.8%), and nonbinary identities (31.3%), with 38 (13.1%) selecting >1 identity (Table 2).Nearly 10% of high school students surveyed reported a gender-diverse identity. The prevalence of GDY in this study is 5 times higher than current national estimates from a study involving 10 states and 9 urban school districts.1 Although these data were collected from a single urban school district, the findings may approximate a less biased estimate of the prevalence of youth with gender-diverse identities, given how gender identity was operationalized.Additionally, the demographics of GDY in this school-based study differ from those of GDY accessing gender-affirming care in the same region. A 2018 survey from the only pediatric gender clinic in the region found the majority of patients identified as white (88%) and masculine (65%).10 This clinic’s findings are consistent with other pediatric gender clinics across the United States4–7 and highlight the lack of diversity among youth receiving gender-affirming care, especially with respect to race and/or ethnicity and gender. These disparities suggest that gender clinics may not be reaching youth at the highest risk of experiencing violence, victimization, socioeconomic disadvantage, and health disparities: Black and Hispanic transgender women. Researchers should consider using a 2-step approach, as outlined above, to better reflect prevalence of GDY, particularly in statewide and national level surveys, with sample sizes allowing analysis of potential differences in gender identity by race and/or ethnicity and age. In addition to encouraging continued refinement of gender identity measures, particularly for youth, these findings underscore the need to re-evaluate systems and structures that continue to perpetuate inequities in access to gender-affirming care.We thank the Allegheny County Health Department for their role in data collection and for the use of these data. We are grateful to Pittsburgh Public School Board leadership for their collaboration.

Introduction: Transgender and gender diverse (TGD) adults have disproportionately greater burden of cardiovascular disease (CVD) risk. However, prevalent and incident heart failure (HF) and its risk factors have not been well-characterized in TGD populations. Objective: To determine the prevalence and incidence of HF risk factors and phenotype by gender identity. Methods: The study included commercial insurance claims data for 408,457 adults from 2006-2022. Gender identity was classified as cisgender male, cisgender female, transmasculine, transfeminine, or unclassified TGD identity. HF risk factors and phenotype (i.e., HFrEF, HFpEF, other HF) were abstracted using administrative billing codes. Multivariate logistic regression and Cox proportional hazard models examined associations between gender identity and prevalent and incident HF, respectively. Models were stratified by HF phenotype and adjusted for clinical comorbidities and presence of CVD. Results: Of 57,471 TGD patients, 9,652 (16.8%) were transfeminine, 17,898 (31.1%) were transmasculine, and 29,921 (52.1%) had unclassified TGD identity. The mean age was 35±16 years, followed for 5.5±4.7 years. The prevalence of HF risk factors differed by gender identity (Table 1). Among TGD adults the overall prevalence of HFrEF, HFpEF, and other HF were 0.4% (n=204), 0.4% (n=222), and 1.8% (n=1,015), respectively. Prevalent HF differed by gender identity (p&lt;0.001). In adjusted models compared to cisgender males, transmasculine persons had lower odds of HFrEF (OR 0.38 [95% CI 0.21-0.71], p&lt;0.05), unclassified TGD persons had greater odds of HFpEF (OR 1.44 [95% CI 1.17-1.77], p&lt;0.05) and lower odds of other HF (OR 0.77 [95% CI 0.69-0.85], p&lt;0.05). Compared to cisgender males, transmasculine persons had less incident HFrEF, HFpEF, and other HF; transfeminine persons had less incident HFrEF; and unclassified TGD adults had greater incident HFpEF (Table 2). Conclusions: Among a nationally representative administrative sample inclusive of TGD people, CVD risk factors, prevalent HF, and incident HF differ by gender identity. Gender identity and concomitant gender-affirming therapies represent underrecognized markers of HF risk and may act as HF risk modifiers in TGD adults.

Transgender People May Face Elevated, Often Untreated Heart Risks.

Feminist Studies 41, no. 3. © 2015 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 623 Jaye Cee Whitehead, Kath Bassett, Leia Franchini, and Michael Iacolucci “The Proof Is in the Pudding”: How Mental Health Practitioners View the Power of “Sex Hormones” in the Process of Transition In the United States today, popular discourse touts the power of “sex hormones” and hormone receptors in the brain to chemically produce gender expressions (manifested in physical sex traits, behaviors, and attitudes) and identities (a sense of self as feminine or masculine). These accounts range from common assumptions that Western ideals of femininity (such as empathy understanding, cooperative orientation, nurturing behavior) and masculinity (rational/spatial understanding, competitive orientation, violent behavior) are produced by corresponding sex hormones, to studies that reduce complex gender identities and macrosocial economic phenomena to presocial, binary, hormonal processes.1 For sociologists, accounts that reduce complex identities to internal hormonal reactions are problematic for two primary reasons: first, they are inaccurate because they fail to examine how hormonal reactions are embedded in a complex cultural process of meaning and interpretation; second, they operate as bioreductive ideologies that obscure the social power inherent to the process of gender identity construction. In what follows, we extend both of these insights by examining mental health 1. For an example of a hybrid popular-scientific account of the power of sex hormones to destabilize economic structures, see Jon Coates and Joe Herbert , “Endogenous Steroids and Financial Risk Taking on a London Trading Floor,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 105, no. 16 (April 2008): 6167–72. 624 Whitehead, Bassett, Franchini, and Iacolucci practitioners’ divergent interpretations of the power of sex hormones in the process of gender transition.2 In doing so, we examine the cultural power of sex hormones in crafting gender identities without reproducing reductionist interpretations of trans embodiment. Perhaps what is most perplexing about the way we speak of sex hormones is that we know it is inaccurate to describe these hormones as sexed; scientists have acknowledged since the 1930s that they are neither sex specific in their function, nor in terms of their location in male or female bodies.3 In her extensive historicization of sex hormones, Anne Fausto-Sterling concludes that it is more accurate to call androgen- and estrogen-based hormones, “steroid hormones” as they have functions that are not confined to corresponding sexed bodies. In fact she urges scientists to “break out of the sex hormone straightjacket” and to look at steroids as just one of a number of components that are important to the creation of sex and gender, including environment and experience.4 Scholars also point to an inextricable link between the chemical operation of hormones and the social process of constructing meaning, both at the level of social interaction and macrocultural constructions of sex categories and gender ideologies.5 While brain organization/activation theory attributes sex and gender differences to hormonal interactions within the developing brain, Fausto-Sterling questions the distinction between activation and organization by pointing out how “the brain can respond to hormonal stimuli with anatomical changes…hormonal systems, after all, respond exquisitely to experience, be it in the form of nutrition, stress, or sexual activity (to name but a few possibilities ).”6 Drawing from Elizabeth Grosz, Fausto-Sterling argues that the power of hormones is best understood according to the model of the 2. “Gender transition” is a controversial phrase, as it implies that transgendered individuals who receive hormone therapy are changing identities. We are only using it for lack of clear alternative phrasing, not because we believe body modifications change gender identities. 3. See Anne Fausto-Sterling, Sexing the Body: Gender Politics and the Construction of Sexuality (New York: Basic Books, 2000); Rebecca Jordan-Young, Brainstorm: The Flaws in the Science of Sex Differences (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); and Nelly Oudshoorn, Beyond the Natural Body: An Archeology of Sex Hormones (New York: Routledge, 1994). 4. Fausto-Sterling, Sexing the Body, 193–94. 5. Fausto-Sterling, Sexing the Body. 6. Ibid., 232. Whitehead, Bassett, Franchini, and Iacolucci 625 Möbius strip, wherein internal components of the self are always connected to and continuous with outer components such as culture and environment.7 In other...

This paper explores how negation as a linguistic device is used to construct gender identity in the Runyankore-Rukiga marriage songs. It examines how the negative morpheme ti-/ta- supports the construction of gender identities. Negation as a linguistic device and the role it plays in the construction of gender identities has not been given much attention in the scholarship of language and gender. In this paper, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) provided a theoretical framework to interrogate how negation, as a linguistic device, can be invoked to enact gender identity. On the other hand, Gender Performativity Theory (Butler, 1990) was useful in understanding the concept of gender as a social construct and how gender identities are performed. The findings reveal that the negative morpheme, when applied to the verb stem in Runyankore-Rukiga marriage songs, can enact positive gender constructs. At the same time, the negative morpheme may endorse negative social constructs for both feminine and masculine gender identities depending on the singer’s intention. Therefore, the use of negation is ambivalent and may depend on specific contexts. This paper notes that the use of negation as a linguistic device by the song composers and singers can address gender inequality among the Bakiga through Runyankore-Rukiga marriage songs. Given the importance of traditional marriage songs in many African communities, it is imperative to examine the language used and the message portrayed in the songs to increase awareness as well as promote gender inclusivity.

A schematic overview of the development of male and female gender identity has been presented with an attempt to formulate a developmental line. The steps include: (Table: see text) In discussion of these steps an effort was made to distinguish between core morphological or core gender identity--that is, the primary sense of being male or female, to which other aspects of gender identity are added over the course of development to eventually include a "mix" of masculinity and femininity; gender role identity, which includes the conscious and unconscious mental representations of dialogues with other people vis-à-vis one's gender identity as well as identification with role models; and the separate process of choosing a sexual partner orientation. These separate strands join together and intermingle to make up what we view globally as "gender identity."

Study question What are the experiences of trans and/or non-binary (TNB) parents during the perinatal period (defined here as conception, pregnancy, birth and infant feeding)? Summary answer TNB parents often experience extensive cisgenderist discrimination at a structural level (via inappropriate legislation and bureaucracy) and an interactional level (from other parents/healthcare professionals). What is known already Although TNB people have always parented, it is only recently that their experiences are becoming more socially visible. Some research has explored the pregnancy experiences of trans men, finding that men report feelings of isolation and find it difficult to integrate pregnancy with a male identity. However, little research has explored the perinatal experiences of non-binary parents and TNB non-birth parents. Additionally, preliminary research in the US suggests that TNB parents report negative experiences within fertility clinics, and that some parents deliberately avoid clinics for fear of discrimination, pointing to the importance of studying parents’ experiences in the UK. Study design, size, duration This presentation will focus on interview data collected in a study of UK TNB parents, all of whom had identified as TNB since before having their child. Participants were recruited via social media/snowballing. 13 TNB parents were interviewed in total. This presentation will focus on the experiences of the 10 parents who had become parents via assisted conception at a fertility clinic (n = 5), unassisted conception (n = 4) and known donation (n = 1). Participants/materials, setting, methods Participants had a range of gender identities, including trans women, trans men and non-binary. Six participants had experienced pregnancy. The sample is diverse in terms of SES, family structure, and four parents were experiencing disabilities. Participants took part in a semi-structured interview. The data were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis, and a structural symbolic interactionist framework was employed. Main results and the role of chance Cisnormative understandings of bodies (i.e. men producing sperm and women being pregnant) were found to impact participants in both fertility clinics and pregnancy spaces. Parents with different gender identities (e.g. trans men, non binary people and trans women) had different experiences, pointing to the importance of including all parents under the TNB umbrella within research. In terms of conception, some participants reported avoiding fertility clinics due to fear of discrimination, and one participant described being denied treatment due to their gender identity, disability and being in a multi-parent family. Negative experiences within fertility clinics included clinicians’ lack of knowledge about TNB identities, and more positive experiences were reported when participants conceived outside of a clinical setting. With regards to pregnancy, birth parents reported that pregnancy/birth was assumed to be a female activity, and that services were often exclusively for cis women. Birth parents used the strategy of detachment to navigate pregnancy and infant feeding. The trans women in the study, as non-birth parents, were often assumed to be fathers, and reported feeling excluded in pregnancy spaces. One trans female participant found breastfeeding to be a gender-affirming experience, pointing to the importance of supporting TNB parents to explore all available options. Limitations, reasons for caution The small sample size and qualitative nature of the research limits the generalisability of the findings. Although diverse in other ways, the sample was majority white and more research is needed on the experiences of ethnic minority parents. Wider implications of the findings Findings show the importance of including TNB parents with diverse gender identities within research, and demonstrate the necessity of education about trans-inclusive language and family diversity within fertility clinics and pregnancy spaces. Trial registration number n/a