Introduction

In the United States, the rate of cervical cancer is disproportionally higher in Hispanic and Black women compared with White women. In the current study, the authors compared human papillomavirus (HPV) testing and cytology results among Black and White women over a 24-month period. They then assessed the rates in young women in 2011 compared with 2017 according to race. The authors searched the gynecologic cytology case files for Black and White women treated at Johns Hopkins Hospital across all ages for a period of 24 months (2017-2019) and compared HPV results and cytologic interpretations. They then compared results among Black and White cohorts of young women (aged 21-29 years) in 2011 versus 2017. A total of 26,302 specimens from January 2017 to January 2019, including 11,676 Black women and 14,626 White women, were reviewed. The most common HPV genotype(s) detected were non-HPV-16 and/or HPV-18 (non-16/18) high-risk HPV (hrHPV) (84% of positive results). Non-16/18 hrHPV was more common in Black women (1309 women; 15%) compared with White women (1075 women; 9%). Non-16/18 hrHPV was more commonly observed in association with atypical squamous cells, cannot rule out high-grade squamous intraepithelial lesion and/or high-grade squamous intraepithelial lesion (ASC-H/HSIL) in HPV-positive Black women compared with White women (P=.007). Black women were found to have higher rates of HPV-positive Papanicolaou results and high-grade lesions, including carcinoma (P<.01). In the 2011 cohort, young Black women were found to have a higher rate of ASC-H/HSIL (P=.003) compared with White women. However, the difference was not noted in the 2017 cohort. There was a decrease in ASC-H/HSIL in 2017 compared with 2011, with a lower incidence of ASC-H/HSIL noted among Black women in 2017. Black women appear to have a higher incidence of higher grade lesions, but the difference between Black and White cohorts was not found to be significant in young women in more recent years.

What is the central question of this study? Is there a racial disparity in macrovascular and/or microvascular function between young black and white women? What is the main finding and its importance? Black women (BLW) demonstrated impaired microvascular function but similar macrovascular function compared to white women (WHW). These findings suggest an identifiable racial disparity in microvascular function between BLW and WHW as early as young adulthood. Microvascular dysfunction is predictive of future cardiovascular disease (CVD) and generally precedes the development of macrovascular dysfunction. Therefore, these findings also suggest that evaluating microvascular function and CVD risk in young, otherwise healthy BLW are important, as there are known racial disparities in CVD morbidity and mortality in black adults. Black women (BLW) have a higher incidence of cardiovascular disease (CVD) morbidity and mortality compared to white women (WHW). Vascular dysfunction is a non-traditional risk factor for CVD and BLW demonstrate impaired vascular function when compared to WHW throughout the lifespan. Several previous studies assessed macrovascular and microvascular function in young BLW compared to WHW, but there has been no recent work exploring this disparity in young women using current, up-to-date methodologies. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to evaluate both macrovascular and microvascular function as assessed by haemodynamic responses to flow-mediated dilatation (FMD), following current FMD guidelines, in young adult BLW and WHW. We hypothesized that BLW would demonstrate attenuated macrovascular and microvascular responses to FMD compared to WHW. Macrovascular function was assessed as the percentage dilatation of the brachial artery following FMD occlusion-cuff release (FMD%). Microvascular function was assessed by total reactive hyperaemia area under the curve (RH-AUC), calculated as the cumulative increase in brachial artery blood flow above baseline following FMD occlusion-cuff release. Participants were tested in the morning hours during the early follicular phase of their menstrual cycle. Twenty-eight young, apparently healthy women completed the study: 17 WHW (23±4years) and 11 BLW (24±5years). FMD% was lower in BLW (WHW: 8.0±1.6, BLW: 6.2±2.4%; P=0.02), but significance was abolished when FMD% was normalized for shear (WHW: 0.1230±0.0388, BLW: 0.1132±0.0405; P=0.53). RH-AUC was lower in BLW (WHW: 438±133, BLW: 268±66ml/min; P<0.001). Young, otherwise healthy BLW demonstrated impaired microvascular function compared to WHW.

My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.

Racial and ethnic disparities in assisted reproductive technology outcomes in the United States

Racial Differences in Stillbirth Risk Factors in Women Who Experienced Stillbirth During 2016

The increasing incidence of cancer in younger women: What preventative strategy is best? (397)

In this article, the American Cancer Society provides an overview of female breast cancer statistics in the United States, including data on incidence, mortality, survival, and screening. Approximately 231,840 new cases of invasive breast cancer and 40,290 breast cancer deaths are expected to occur among US women in 2015. Breast cancer incidence rates increased among non-Hispanic black (black) and Asian/Pacific Islander women and were stable among non-Hispanic white (white), Hispanic, and American Indian/Alaska Native women from 2008 to 2012. Although white women have historically had higher incidence rates than black women, in 2012, the rates converged. Notably, during 2008 through 2012, incidence rates were significantly higher in black women compared with white women in 7 states, primarily located in the South. From 1989 to 2012, breast cancer death rates decreased by 36%, which translates to 249,000 breast cancer deaths averted in the United States over this period. This decrease in death rates was evident in all racial/ethnic groups except American Indians/Alaska Natives. However, the mortality disparity between black and white women nationwide has continued to widen; and, by 2012, death rates were 42% higher in black women than in white women. During 2003 through 2012, breast cancer death rates declined for white women in all 50 states; but, for black women, declines occurred in 27 of 30 states that had sufficient data to analyze trends. In 3 states (Mississippi, Oklahoma, and Wisconsin), breast cancer death rates in black women were stable during 2003 through 2012. Widening racial disparities in breast cancer mortality are likely to continue, at least in the short term, in view of the increasing trends in breast cancer incidence rates in black women.

In the United States, Black women have been touted as the saving grace of the Democratic Party. Using data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, a cooperative, user-driven data set that provides a large and diverse sample of racial and ethnic groups in the United States, we develop a deeper understanding of the role of partisanship and civic duty in Black women’s support for Hillary Clinton and their political participation. We take an intersectional approach and examine Black women’s politics alongside that of their white female and Black male counterparts. We find that Black women are motivated by civic duty to participate in elections, whereas civic duty does not motivate Black men and white women.

Introduction: More than 47,000 women will be diagnosed with endometrial cancer in 2012, making it the most common gynecologic cancer among women in the United States. Data from the SEER registry from 1975-2009 report the incidence rate of endometrial cancer is lower among black women than white women (19.2 and 27.5 cases per 100,000 women, respectively). Tumor histology also varies by racial group, with a larger proportion of black women diagnosed with non-endometrioid tumors compared to their white counterparts. It is possible that risk factors for endometrial cancer may differ between black and white women; the small number of black women in individual studies has precluded these analyses. The aim of this study was to investigate risk factors for endometrial cancer in blacks using a pooled analysis. For comparison, we pooled data on risk factors among non-Hispanic white women in the same studies. Methods: We have data from eleven studies that included &amp;gt;10 black cases and &amp;gt;10 black controls (7 cohort studies and 4 case-control studies). The following information was collected from each study: age at diagnosis/study entry, education, body mass index (BMI), smoking status, reproductive variables, hormone use, and self-reported diabetes and hypertension. Unconditional logistic regression was used to estimate odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for each risk factor in blacks and whites separately. Estimates for endometrioid tumors will also be presented. Results: Data were pooled for 2,011 black women (516 cases and 1,495 controls) and 19,297 white women (5,693 cases and 13,604 controls). In univariate analyses, the following variables were associated with endometrial cancer in both black and white women: BMI, smoking, oral contraceptive use for 10 years or more, and diabetes. In models adjusted for these variables, along with age and study site, obesity (BMI ≥ 30) was associated with an approximate 3-fold increase in risk for both black and white women (OR=2.80, 95% CI: 2.00, 3.92 and OR=3.26, 95% CI: 2.96, 3.59, respectively). Diabetes was also associated with a 30-40% increase in risk among both groups. Cigarette smoking was associated with reduced risk of endometrial cancer among both blacks and whites (OR=0.66, 95%CI: 0.47, 0.94 and OR=0.62, 95% CI: 0.54, 0.71, respectively). Increasing parity was more strongly associated with decreased risk in whites (p-trend &amp;lt;0.001) than blacks (p-trend = 0.09). Similarly, age at first birth was also more protective in whites (p-trend&amp;lt;0.001) than blacks (p-trend=0.76). Conclusions: Overall, risk factors for endometrial cancer are similar in black and white women, with the exception of some of the reproductive factors, which do not appear to afford protection in blacks to the same extent as in whites. Citation Format: Michele L. Cote, Tala Alhajj, Julie J. Ruterbusch, Louise A. Brinton, William J. Blot, Chu Chen, Brian E. Henderson, Pamela L. Horn-Ross, Laurence N. Kolonel, Timothy R. Rebbeck, Veronica W. Setiawan, Lisa B. Signorello, Michael S. Simon, Noel S. Weiss, Nico Wentzensen, Hannah P. Yang, Sara H. Olson. Risk factors for endometrial cancer in black and white women: A pooled analysis from the Epidemiology of Endometrial Cancer Consortium (E2C2). [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 104th Annual Meeting of the American Association for Cancer Research; 2013 Apr 6-10; Washington, DC. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2013;73(8 Suppl):Abstract nr 2285. doi:10.1158/1538-7445.AM2013-2285

Disparities in cardio metabolic risk between Black and White women with polycystic ovary syndrome: a systematic review and meta-analysis

This study examined HIV-associated mortality in infants and in women of childbearing age (15-44 years) in the United States from 1990-2001. HIV-associated deaths were identified from national vital records using multiple cause-of-death data. HIV-associated mortality was higher in black and Hispanic women than in white women (rate ratio(black) = 13.5, 95% CI = 13.2-13.8; rate ratio(Hispanic) = 2.4, 95% CI = 1.9-3.2). Racial/ethnic trends in infant mortality rates from HIV reflected trends observed in women (rate ratio(black) = 16.3, 95% CI = 13.5-19.7; rate ratio(Hispanic) = 3.4, 95% CI = 3.3-3.5). HIV-associated mortality decreased in infants and in women of childbearing age following the availability of highly active antiretroviral therapy, but the decrease was considerably less marked in black women than in women of other racial/ethnic groups. Our findings indicate the need for increased emphasis on prevention of HIV mortality in black and Hispanic women and infants. Reduction of HIV prevalence in young women may also prevent infant mortality from HIV by reducing mother-to-child transmission.

This chapter centers the important role of Black women, including those who eschewed the feminist label, in so-called “second-wave” feminism from the 1960s-1980s, and beyond. The chapter explores why, when partnering with white women, they were more likely to join multi-racial coalitions rather than predominantly white organizations; and to promote multi-issue, rather than single-issue organizing. The chapter challenges the popular misconception that the low participation rate of Black, Indigenous, and other women of color in rape crisis centers and other predominantly white women’s liberation groups means they did not organize against sexual violence or support feminist issues more broadly. Instead, they frequently formed their own groups, like the Combahee River Collective and the Third World Women’s Alliance, which advocated for Joan Little among other efforts, or worked through existing organizations, such as Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) branches on historically black campuses in the South, to combat sexual violence. But Black women also co-founded women’s groups most often associated with white women, including the National Organization for Women (NOW) and the National Women’s Political Caucus (NWPC), among others.

While Black and White women are diagnosed with breast cancer (BC) at similar rates, Black women die from BC at a 40% higher rate. This disparity is even more pronounced for younger Black women, who die from BC at nearly twice the rate as younger White women. Black-White differences in BC mortality are largely attributable to health care and tumor biology factors. Black women face greater barriers to accessing BC screening and are twice as likely to be diagnosed with the aggressive triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) subtype. Delaware leads the US for the incidence of late-stage BC diagnosed among younger women and TNBC. This commentary begins with a discussion of precision public health, an emerging framework that builds on and complements recent advances in precision medicine. Next, a new precision public health initiative designed to reduce BC disparities in Delaware by targeting local hotspots with prevention interventions is presented. Finally, next steps are considered for implementation, evaluation, and new research activities.

Older black women are less likely to undergo mammography and are more often given a diagnosis of advanced-stage breast cancer than older white women. To investigate the extent to which previous mammography explains observed differences in cancer stage at diagnosis between older black and white women with breast cancer. Retrospective cohort study using the Linked Medicare-Tumor Registry Database. Population-based data from three geographic areas of the United States included in the National Cancer Institute's Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) program (Connecticut; metropolitan Atlanta, Georgia; and Seattle-Puget Sound, Washington). Black and white women 67 years of age and older in whom breast cancer was diagnosed between 1987 and 1989. Medicare claims were used to classify women according to mammography use in the 2 years before diagnosis as nonusers (no previous mammography), regular users (> or =2 mammographies done at least 10 months apart), or peri-diagnosis users (mammography done only within 3 months before diagnosis). Information on mammography use was linked with SEER data to determine cancer stage at diagnosis. Stage was classified as early (in situ or local) or late (regional or distant). Black women were more likely to not undergo mammography (odds ratio [OR], 3.00 [95% CI, 2.41 to 3.75]) and to be given a diagnosis of late-stage disease (OR, 2.49 [CI, 1.59 to 3.92]) than white women. When women were stratified by previous mammography use, the black-white difference in cancer stage occurred only among nonusers (adjusted OR, 2.54 [CI, 1.37 to 4.71]). Among regular users, cancer was diagnosed in black and white women at similar stages (adjusted OR, 1.34 [CI, 0.40 to 4.51]). In logistic modeling, previous mammography alone explained about 30% of the excess late-stage disease in black women. In a separate model, previous mammography explained 12% of the excess late-stage disease among black women after adjustment for sociodemographic and comorbidity information. Differences in breast cancer stage at diagnosis between older black and white women are related to previous mammography use. Increased regular use of mammography may result in a shift toward earlier-stage disease at diagnosis and narrow the observed differences in stage at diagnosis between older black and white women.

Black and Latina women in the United States are known to undergo cesarean delivery at a higher rate than other women. We sought to explore the role of medical indications for cesarean delivery as a potential explanation for these differences. A retrospective cohort study was conducted of 11,034 primiparas delivering at term at the University of California, San Francisco, between 1990 and 2008. We used multivariable analyses to evaluate racial and ethnic differences in risks of, and indications for, cesarean delivery. The overall rate of cesarean delivery in our cohort was 21.9 percent. Black and Latina women were at significantly higher odds of undergoing cesarean delivery than white women (adjusted odds ratio or AOR: 1.54; 95% CI: 1.30, 1.83, and 1.21; 95% CI: 1.03, 1.43, respectively). Black women were at significantly higher odds of undergoing cesarean delivery for nonreassuring fetal heart tracings than white women (AOR: 2.19; 95% CI: 1.55, 3.09), and black women (AOR: 1.55; 95% CI: 1.21, 1.98), Latina women (AOR: 1.48; 95% CI: 1.19, 1.85), and Asian women (AOR: 1.47; 95% CI: 1.22, 1.85) were at significantly higher odds of undergoing cesarean delivery for failure to progress. Black, Latina, and Asian women were at significantly lower odds of undergoing cesarean delivery for malpresentation than white women (AOR: 0.56; 95% CI: 0.34, 0.89, 0.66; 95% CI: 0.44, 0.98, and 0.55; 95% CI: 0.40, 0.76, respectively). Racial and ethnic differences exist in specific indications for cesarean delivery among primiparas. Clarifying the possible reasons for increased cesareans for nonreassuring fetal heart tracing in black women, in particular, may help to decrease excess cesarean deliveries in this racial and ethnic group. (BIRTH 39:2 June 2012).