Jobs and Schooling

Background/Context: Career and technical education (CTE) coursework in science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medical/health (STEMM) fields has been supported by policy makers as a way to align the secondary-to-postsecondary-to-career pipeline. Yet, in the research, the focus has been on whether STEMM CTE coursetaking in high school predicts college-going or whether it predicts employment for non–college goers. Little attention has been paid to whether STEMM CTE coursetaking in high school aligns with college employment opportunities. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This study investigates the relationship between one promising educational practice—STEMM career and technical education (STEMM CTE) coursetaking—and outcomes along students’ college employment pathways. Specifically, we asked the following research questions: Does taking more STEMM CTE courses in high school link to “general” college employment outcomes? Does taking more STEMM CTE courses in high school link to “STEMM-specific” college employment outcomes? How do these relationships vary across important student subgroups, namely, those identified by the National Science Foundation as traditionally underrepresented in STEMM fields: low-income students, students with learning disabilities, women, and Black and Hispanic students? Research Design: We relied on data from the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS). Administered by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), HSLS is the most current, nationally representative data set that follows a cohort of more than 20,000 ninth-grade students across the United States throughout high school and after graduation. Our regression analyses relied on data collected during the baseline year school-level survey (2009), the high school transcript update (2013), and student-level surveys from all four data-collection waves (2009, 2012, 2013, 2016). Conclusions/Recommendations: Using these national data, we find that taking more STEMM CTE courses was associated with a higher chance of having a STEMM job during college and having higher expectations for future STEMM employment, though not with general employment outcomes such as wages. The findings were different for students from some underrepresented backgrounds in STEMM fields, and implications are discussed.

This study aims to promote the development of vocational education in our country energetically. The analysis is followed by introducing the course of development on vocational and technical education in Britain and summarizing the successful experience of vocation in our country with strengthening the funding and legislation for the state of vocational education as well as putting forward suggestions for reform and innovation of education to improve the system of certificates.

In his 2009 State of Union Address, President Obama challenged every American to commit to attending at least one year of college as means to global The President even offered to support individuals to complete college and meet a new goal: By 2020, America will once again have highest proportion of college graduates in world. The President backed that up with a series of speeches and, in fall 2010, White House held its first Summit on Community Colleges. The summit brought together community colleges, businesses, philanthropies, federal and state policy leaders, and students to discuss how community colleges can meet job training and education needs of nation's evolving workforce. At summit, President announced new initiatives to help community colleges, as well as partnerships with such organizations as Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Aspen Institute, Joyce and Lumina foundations, and charitable foundations of Bank of America and JP Morgan Chase. These messages and initiatives heartened many in education community, signaling importance of higher education and making clear that a college education is not only possible, but imperative for an individual's economic well - being and for nation's global competitiveness. The latest entry into this debate came earlier this spring with publication of Path - ways to Prosperity (Harvard Graduate School of Education, 2011) by Robert Schwartz, who criticizes move to have all high school students participate in a college preparatory curriculum. Schwartz argues that United States is the only developed nation that depends so exclusively on its higher education system as sole institutional vehicle to help young people transition from secondary school to careers, and from adolescence to adult - hood. Schwartz identifies recommendations that revolve around giving students opportunities to choose a career education path. College for all isn't working for most students, says report. Young people need alternative paths to adulthood, including better counseling, high - quality career education, apprenticeships and job training based at community colleges. Those who lack academic skill or motivation to earn a bachelor's degree should know about 'middle - skill jobs' that pay middle - class wages. Pathways specifically recommends providing multiple pathways during and beyond high school, including rigorous career and technical training, career counseling, apprenticeship programs, work - based learning, and smoother routes to community college. While I understand Schwartz' point, we know that academic rigor is greatest predictor of college success. For this reason alone, we need to offer a core curriculum for all students. We have to remember that comprehensive high school, as designed by James Conant, was intended to provide educational opportunity to all while ensuring that such schools also identified and supported finite talented students. So, high school was created to have a tiered system providing college for some while most students would end their education after receiving a high school diploma. Since this iconic institution was designed with that principle in mind, tracking became part of its foundation. …

Numerous researchers (e.g., Academic Pathways to Access and Student Success, 2006, ACT, Inc., 2009; Bragg, Kim, & Barnett, , 2006; College Board, 2010; Hargrove, Godin, & Dodd, 2008; Keng & Dodd, 2008; Morgan & Klaric, 2007) have concluded that participating in challenging high school curriculums such as Advanced Placement (AP) courses and exams positively contribute to students' college readiness, college achievement, and career success. Specifically mentioned in the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB, 2002) was the AP program as a college prep course (U.S. Department of Education, 2004). Moreover, Section 1702 (Access to High Standards Act) of the No Child Left Behind Act acknowledged federal confirmation of AP coursework as college prep curriculum and encouraged states and school districts to incorporate these programs as a means of elevating academic standards (U.S. Department of Education, 2004). In his 2006 State of the Union Address, President George W. Bush thrust the AP program into mainstream education; accordingly, the national perception on AP program involvement increased (Klopfenstein & Thomas, 2009).In a policy brief for the Education Commission of the States (ECS), Dounay (2006) recommended an all-inclusive state policy on advanced placement. First, each state and school district should require a minimum number of AP courses to be offered. As a result, state policy would provide consistency in AP content and leverage AP curriculum offerings in low-income and high minority schools. Second, a state-wide AP framework would establish standards and opportunities for all students to gain access to college preparatory courses. As the result, the federal government, along with most states, and the College Board subsidizes AP exam fees for low-income students. In addition, most states (including Texas, New York, and Florida) provide additional incentives for students and teachers of students who achieve AP exam scores of 3 or higher (Holstead et al., 2010). In September 2006, U.S. Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings announced that 33 grants in the amount of $17 million were awarded to increase the participation of low-income students in AP courses and exams. In 2006, an additional $5,867,284 was awarded to 26 states to fund AP exam subsidies programs (U.S. Department of Education, 2006).In 2012, Arne Duncan, the current Secretary of Education, announced that federal support of AP program incentives and exam subsidies were reinstated (U. S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2012). Over $21.5 million was budgeted to subsidize AP exam fees. As the result of these financial awards, the federal government continued to acknowledge AP course and exam participation as curriculum of college readiness and success. Although funding for AP programs and exams was approved, researchers (e.g., Davis, Joyner, & Slate, 2011; Moore & Slate, 2008) have documented the persistent AP achievement and participation gaps among Black students in the United States. Specific to this study, few researchers (Davis, Joyner, & Slate, 2011; Koch; 2012) have investigated AP program involvement and performance of ethnically diverse, primarily lower socioeconomic, student groups across states.PURPOSE OF THE STUDYThe purpose of this study was to determine the cost effectiveness of covering AP exam fees by comparing the success value provided by overall AP exam outcomes to test expenditures for Black students in three researcher-selected states (i.e., Texas, New York, and Florida). According to the Centers for Disease Control (n.d.), cost-effectiveness analysis is commonly used in the health care industries to confirm if the intervention and the results desired validate the cost or investment. As it pertains to this research, cost-effectiveness analysis compares the costs of AP exam to the results or level of success on these exams. In addition, the cost effectiveness analysis evaluates the extent to which AP achievement can be regarded as providing value for the dollars spent (Davis, 2013). …

Studies that are centered around social mobility and educational attainment have shown that educational aspirations and expectations play a critical role in an individual’s future success. However, there are only a few analyses that focused on ethnic minorities or immigrants, particularly among Asian populations. These few studies about Asian American families tend to “lump” Asian immigrants as a monolithic ethnic group. This study seeks to bridge this gap by understanding different educational aspirations among immigrant parents from various Asian subgroups concerning their children’s postsecondary enrollment in the U.S. Utilizing the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS:09), a nationally representative longitudinal data from National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), I found that contrary to the monolithic narrative about Asian immigrant families, there are not only different parental characteristics and educational aspirations across Asian subgroups, but there are also different rates of college enrollment among Asian adolescents. Policy implications about the results are discussed.

The idea that everyone should finish high school is relatively new. As recently as 1959, high school graduates were a minority of the total civilian labor force. But during the 1950s and 1960s, children born in the 1945-1960 baby boom entered high school in great numbers. In addition, a large proportion made it all the way through high school and received diplomas. The proportion of 18-year-olds who had high school diplomas grew from 61 percent in 1954-55 to more than 75 percent by 1970. As a result, by 1970 almost twothirds of the labor force had at least finished high school, and by 1979 more than three out of four members of the labor force had high school diplomas or more. For those who want jobs, especially young people who lack previous work experience, finishing high school has now become the norm (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1975, 1980; National Center for Educational Statistics, 1979a). Paradoxically, however, the same trends that have made a high school diploma more important as a prerequisite for employment have also made it less effective as a guarantee. Even though members of the baby-boom group were finishing high school (and college) at higher rates than previous generations, the sheer size of the baby-boom generation was making it more difficult for them all to find jobs. This can be seen by comparing the years 1956, 1965, and 1974, because in these years the overall availability of jobs in the economy happened to be the same, as indicated by the same (2.6 percent) level of unemployment among males aged 35 to 44. In 1956, no boom babies were yet seeking regular jobs, and the unemployment rate among 16to 19-year-old males was 11.1 percent. In 1965, the 16to 19-year-old group consisted of people born at the beginning of the baby boom (1946 to 1949), and the unemployment rate for males in this group was 14.1 percent. In 1974, the 16to 19-year-olds were from the peak years of the baby boom (1955 to 1958), and the unemployment rate for males in that group was up to 15.5 percent. (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1975). This rise in relative unemployment rates for teenage males occurred in spite of the fact that those who did find full-time jobs were earning less and less compared to prime-age males (Wachter, 1977). As teenagers in the 1960s and early 1970s, males born in the baby boom were reporting relatively less success in finding jobs, even at lower relative wages, in spite of their higher educational attainments.

Data from the National Longitudinal Transition Study–2 (NLTS2) were used to examine the patterns of career and technical education (CTE) course taking in high school by students receiving special education services for emotional disturbances (ED). Descriptive analyses indicate the extent of such course taking by students with ED and their engagement in a concentrated program of occupationally specific general education CTE, a level of CTE course taking that early research has linked to improved post–high school employment outcomes. Propensity scoring methods were used to determine the extent to which either type of CTE course taking was related to higher odds of full-time employment after high school and whether results differed with the length of time post high school. There was a significant positive effect for participating in a concentration of occupationally specific CTE in the first 2 post–high school years, but effects were non-significant for later years. Results showed no benefits of CTE course taking overall. The implications for high school programming and transition planning are discussed.

Background Previous studies have explored the relationship between career and technical education (CTE) on numerous secondary and college outcomes. However, a key oversight in the literature is the examination of the CTE coursetaking pipeline as it makes a direct connection between high school and college. Research Questions We asked the following research questions to address the gap in CTE literature around secondary to postsecondary pipelines: (1) Does taking CTE courses in high school predict taking CTE courses in college? (2) Does this relationship differ between students who attend 2- and 4-year colleges? (3) Does the relationship differ by different areas of CTE? Research Design To respond to these questions, we used the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 (ELS:2002), a nationally representative dataset. We employed basic logistic regression, school fixed effects, and instrumental variable estimations to reduce biases in our estimations in the relationship between high school and college CTE coursetaking. Results We found that CTE coursetaking in high school linked to overall CTE coursetaking across all years of college. When examining 2- and 4-year college coursetaking independently, only the relationship between high school and 4-year college CTE coursetaking was significant. We also found that there existed differential linking based on type of institution in which the courses were completed and area of CTE—specifically, applied STEM, business, trade and industry, and health. Conclusions A first implication from these findings is that CTE in high school, which is itself funded through the current iteration of the Perkins legislation, appears to be having a noticeable link to CTE participation in college. From the second research question, there could very well be a strong connection between high school CTE and 2-year enrollment that is not reflected in first year CTE coursetaking at the 2-year level. Finally, the implications from the third research question speak to the need to focus on CTE as a group of individual categories as opposed to a single overarching group.

Problem This study examined the economic implications of dropping out of high school for African Americans in Benton Harbor, Michigan. Methods The methodology used in this study is a documentary one. Sources relating to the economic implications of dropping out o f high school among African Americans were studied. The United States 1990 Census o f Population, the National Center for Education Statistics, and local publications provided data for the research. Results Dropping out o f high school has definite economic implications for dropouts in Benton Harbor. The estimated number of African American dropouts as of 1990 was a total o f 3,578. Since one dropout loses in excess o f $200,000 over a lifetime (Catterall, 1986), the estimated income loss of Benton Harbor dropouts during their lifetime is $200,000 multiplied by 3,578. This is approximately $715.6 million. The community suffers economic loss because of the multiplier effect which conceptualizes the chain effect of money spent. There is no single factor that explains Benton Harbor students’ decision to drop out. Truancy, lack o f students’ interest, “a revolving superintendency syndrome,” very low MEAP scores, poverty, single parent-female headed families, and high number of welfare recipients, are related to the dropout problem. While students are dropping out, local businesses need workers with proficiencies in reading, writing, computation, and the ability to work with others to contribute to their economic success. Benton Harbor High School recognizes the economic implications o f linking education to work and attempts to prepare its students for the job market through hands on courses at the Benton Harbor Technical Center. The private and social costs o f dropping out are complex and difficult to estimate. Conclusion Dropping out of high school has economic implications for the Benton Harbor High School dropout, the community and the nation. It translates into loss of personal income over a lifetime, difficulty o f transition into the job market, unemployment, accessibility mainly to minimum wage jobs, a disparity in income and work-related benefits, a dependency on welfare, among others. Teaching economics to secondary students, with emphasis on staying in school and successfully graduating, can educate students regarding the financial benefits o f staying in school.

Research Article| October 01 1991 How Problems Can Help Christopher Cratsley Christopher Cratsley Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar The American Biology Teacher (1991) 53 (7): 390–392. https://doi.org/10.2307/4449342 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Christopher Cratsley; How Problems Can Help. The American Biology Teacher 1 October 1991; 53 (7): 390–392. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/4449342 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentThe American Biology Teacher Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1990 National Association of Biology Teachers Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

We conducted two studies to investigate predictors of coaching motivation. In Study One, we focused on variables linked to coaching motivation and burnout in adult sports coaches. We examined high school extracurricular experiences, and coaching engagement. Positive interpersonal events experienced during high school predicted coaching motivation and a motivation. Positive interpersonal and performance events in high school predicted feelings of reduced accomplishment, while negative interpersonal and performance events in high school predicted physical exhaustion. Two aspects of coaching engagement, vigor and absorption predicted coaching motivation. Thus, coaches’ motivation was predicted by both high school and current coaching events. In Study Two, we examined whether the same high school events predicted a desire to coach in recent high school graduates. Participants retrospectively reported participation in high school sports or heavy investment in alternate activities (e.g., marching band). For both groups, identification with the activity and dedication to the activity predicted a desire to coach. A desire to coach was not predicted by high school extracurricular events. Our findings indicate that high school experiences exerted differential effects on recent graduates versus adult coaches in terms of attitudes toward coaching.

ABSTRACTThis study examined the association between the high school counselor–parent relationship and students’ postsecondary enrollment (PSE) in a nationally representative sample of 4,406 parents selected from the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009. Findings indicated that parents’ postsecondary expectations, their participation in schools, and STEM engagement were all positively related to students’ postsecondary enrollment. Parent contact with the school counselor was negatively associated with taking postsecondary classes.

The Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) is administered by the National Center for Educational Statistics to obtain information about teachers, such as education and training, teaching assignment, certification, workload, and perceptions and attitudes about teaching. Data are weighted to approximate the population of teachers in the USA. In this study, the most recent SASS results were employed to formulate a comprehensive profile of Career and Technical Education (CTE) teacher characteristics or Workforce Development in Education. Characteristics analyzed included: gender, age, teaching experience, teaching status, race and ethnicity, educational level, certification status, caseload of students with categorical disabilities and caseload of those with limited English proficiency. These characteristics were compared within the seven identified Workforce Development teaching areas and, to make further distinction from akin fields, were also collectively compared to the STEM education fields of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics education. Analysis of the identified characteristics provided a profile of in-service Workforce Development teachers, the students that they teach, how they compare to each other within CTE, and how they compare to other STEM teachers.

Previous studies have found a positive correlation between self-concept and locus of control, two variables that frequently are studied and assessed by school psychologists and other educators. The purpose of this study was to examine the causal relation of the correlation between these two variables. Subjects (more than 28,000 high school sophomores and 11,000 seniors) were drawn from the 1980 and 1982 waves of the National Center for Education Statistics' High School and Beyond longitudinal study. A causal modeling approach was used to examine the relation between self-concept and locus of control. Six different causal models were analyzed using LISREL, a computer program for estimating the unknown coefficients in a set of linear structural equations. The results suggest a difference in the nature of the relation for sophomores and seniors. For sophomores, it appears that the causal relation between self-concept and locus of control is reciprocal in nature. For seniors, the primary direction of causation is from self-concept to locus of control.

Richard Murnane observes that the American ideal of equality of educational opportunity has for years been more the rhetoric than the reality of the nation's political life. Children living in poverty, he notes, tend to be concentrated in low-performing schools staffed by ill-equipped teachers. They are likely to leave school without the skills needed to earn a decent living in a rapidly changing economy. Murnane describes three initiatives that the federal government could take to improve the education of these children and increase their chances of escaping poverty. All would strengthen the standards-based reforms at the heart of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB) by bracing the three legs on which the reforms rest: accountability, incentives, and capacity. Congress, says Murnane, should improve accountability by amending NCLB to make performance goals more attainable. The goals should emphasize growth in children's skills rather than whether children meet specific test score targets. Congress should also amend NCLB to develop meaningful goals for high school graduation rates. Congress should strengthen states' incentives to improve the education of low-income students. It should also encourage states to develop effective voluntary school choice programs to enable students who attend failing public schools to move to more successful schools in other districts. Finally, Congress should use competitive matching grants to build the capacity of schools to educate low-income children and the capacity of state departments of education to boost the performance of failing schools and districts. The grants would help develop effective programs to improve teaching and to serve students who do not fare well in conventional high school programs. Murnane estimates the annual cost of these three initiatives to be approximately $2.5 billion.