Kaska Personal Names: Continuity and Change

NORWEGIANS IN THE SELKIRK SETTLEMENT 1815-1870 By Paul Knaplund Few settlers faced more trying hardships or met with more disasters than did those whom Lord Selkirk brought to the forks of the Red River in the years 1812-15. Supplies for the settlement, seed grain, and animals for breeding had to be brought great distances. Once a year the Hudson 's Bay Company's ships from Great Britain arrived at York Factory on Hudson Bay, and thence supplies traveled more than seven hundred miles by rivers, portages, and lakes to the Red River. There were two alternative sources: by an even more toilsome route from distant Canada; or from the nearest settlements in the United States. Nature itself proved hostile to the colonists: during the first twenty years of the existence of the settlement early frosts, disastrous floods, and devastating invasions of locusts threatened to blot it out. Still more disheartening to the early immigrants was the hostility which they encountered from men of their own race. Though the colony was founded under the œgis of the Hudson's Bay Company, then controlled by Lord Selkirk , the servants of this company in America opposed the new venture. Not infrequently the settlers were thwarted by officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, and at the same time the colonists were exposed to the full fury of the hatred that the rival trading concern, the Northwest Company, harbored for the Hudson's Bay Company and all its schemes. So intense was this hatred that the Selkirk settlement was twice wiped out by the Northwesters. In June, 1815, the first governor of the colony, Captain Miles Macdonald, was forced to surrender himself to the Northwesters. Nearly all i 2 STUDIES AND RECORDS buildings were burned down and the settlers were dispersed. Reënforced by new arrivals from Europe, some of the colonists returned in the autumn, only to be overwhelmed by a greater disaster in the following year, when Governor Semple of the Hudson's Bay Company and twenty men of the settlement were killed in the battle, or rather massacre, of Seven Oaks, on June 19, 1816. The perpetrators of this outrage were half-breeds, incited, and promised great rewards for their foul deed, by officers in the service of the Northwest Company.1 The first man killed at Seven Oaks was a Norwegian , "Lieutenant" Holte, who, as the leader of a small band of Norwegians, had arrived at York Factory in September , 1814.2 To one man of Holte's group, Peter Dahl, belongs the distinction of being the first Norwegian farmer in the Red River Valley, and a successful one. With the coming of Holte and his compatriots hangs a tale. At the time when Lord Selkirk gained a controlling interest in the Hudson's Bay Company and decided to found a settlement in its territory, the company was fast losing ground to the Northwesters. As an aid both to the company and to the settlement, Selkirk determined to build winter roads connecting York Factory with the interior. Most of the servants in the lower ranks of the Hudson's Bay Company were recruited in the Orkney Islands, but at this time the Orkneymen as a group seem to have been deficient both in courage and in physical strength. Selkirk wanted men inured to the rigors of a northern climate, who had had experience as woodsmen, fishermen, and farmers, and who, above all, were strong, resourceful, and amenable to discipline . He was looking, not merely for road builders, but for handy men who might invigorate the service of the company and effect improvements in the ways and methods of living 1 A good account of the early history of the Selkirk settlement may be found in Chester Martin, Lord Selkirk's Work in Canada ( Oxford Historical and Literary Studies, vol. 7 - Oxford, 1916) . 2 Martin, Selkirk's Work in Canada , 111. THE SELKIRK SETTLEMENT 3 at trading posts and settlements. Such men, he believed, might be obtained in Norway and Sweden. Late in January or early in February, 1814, the directors of the Hudson's Bay Company voted to hire Norwegian and Swedish laborers for service in North America...

Enlightened Zeal: The Hudson's Bay Company and Scientific Networks, 1670-1870, by Ted Binnema. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2014. xvi, 488 pp. $37.95 Cdn (paper). Science is never just about science, never just about knowledge (p. 3) is enigmatic first sentence of Ted Binnema's ambitious, and broadly successful, Enlightened Zeal. As its opening sentence suggests, this is a book that goes beyond a simple chronicling of scientific activity in Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) during period 1670-1870. Binnema seeks to explain context within which scientific discovery took place. He examines trans-Atlantic and North American scientific networks, which evolved over time and were crucial to advancement of science. He highlights commercial benefits to HBC of promoting its support of science with British politicians who controlled company's licence. He also illustrates how shifts in focus of scientific research responded to both commercial priorities of company and political priorities of British government. With such a broad agenda, it is not surprising that certain periods in company's history are dealt with much more comprehensively than others. A quick glance at table of contents reveals that, although this survey covers a two hundred year period, by far greatest emphasis is given to last fifty years. The first ninety-eight years of HBC's existence is dealt with in a mere twenty-eight pages. As author states, the company contributed little to public before 1768 (p. 49). From a scientific viewpoint, story becomes more interesting in 1769, when HBC participated in an initiative with Royal Society to observe transit of Venus between earth and sun. Binnema describes HBC's involvement in this project as a dramatic turning point that also briefly stimulated company to send natural history specimens back to Britain. Between 1774 and 1821, Binnema notes that company's principal scientific interest switched to cartography. As others have done, Binnema credits Samuel Wegg as being individual with greatest personal influence on company's more positive attitude toward science in late eighteenth century (Wegg was a member of Royal Society and a director of HBC, becoming its governor in 1782). However, it was competition in fur trade and not just influence of Samuel Wegg that caused HBC to establish its first significant inland trading post at Cumberland House, in 1774. The move inland, in turn, made maps an essential tool in HBC's rivalry with Northwest Company. As Binnema describes, the HBC and its Canadian competitors explored and surveyed only insofar as those efforts supported their trade. By early nineteenth century, HBC was certainly more receptive to science than it had been a hundred years previously, but whether this new attitude could yet be described as enlightened zeal is debatable. The heart of book is a series of four chapters set in nineteenth century. The ultimately successful search by Dease and Simpson for a northwest passage is seen as a public relations coup that contributed to renewal of HBC's licence in 1838. Yet major scientific focus of fifty years or so before 1870 was natural history. In particular, extension of HBC's reach to Pacific in this period proved to be a bonanza for botanists. The importance of David Douglas's work in Columbia District (Oregon Country) is stressed, both for value of his own work and inspiration he provided for others. It is perhaps not surprising that HBC was linked to scientific networks in Britain, as this was a period in which there was a great proliferation of British scientific associations. …

In this year of the tercentenary of the incorporation of the Hudson's Bay Company it is appropriate to examine the founding membership of what may still be called “The Great Company.” It is surprising that the literature which chronicles the early adventures of the Company in the northern reaches of Canada has largely neglected a close scrutiny of the founders. The purpose of this article is to examine the early partnership, note the walks of life and social groups from which the adventurers came, and identfy those who formed the nucleus of leadership in planning and executing the endeavors for which the Hudson's Bay Company became renowned.In general, the men who established the Hudson's Bay Company were representative of the era of extensive oversea expansion that characterized Restoration England. They were essentially promoters and imperialists. Yet they were not the first of their kind, for in the thirteenth century merchants had formed regulated organizations for prosecuting the cloth trade. Nor did they ever possess the financial power or parliamentary lobby of the East India Company. Nonetheless, their interest in the fur trade, in a Northwest passage and in general scientific inquiry prompted these men to lay the basis of a firm that by the height of its influence in the early 1840 was engaged in business throughout most of British North America as well as on the Pacific slope south to San Francisco Bay, in the Pacific islands, and in Canton. Today this organization remains the oldest merchant trading company in the world and the oldest business firm on the North American continent.

The documents of the Hudson's Bay Company have long aroused the interest and curiosity of historians. It is widely known that the Company possesses a unique series of records of its activities, both as a trading concern and as a chartered company charged with the administration of large territories during its history of two and a half centuries. It is expected that these records would throw valuable light on the early history of vast parts of the present Dominion of Canada and also of lands which now form part of the United States of America. It is clear that they would provide material for a history of the Company, as such, and for the story of the early fur-trade between Europe and Canada. Such documents are the legitimate quarry of the historian. He seeks access to them, and he expects facilities for consultation to be given him. So far he has received perhaps inadequate recognition of his claims from the Company. For this there is a double reason. From its origin under the patronage of Prince Rupert the Hudson's Bay Company has been the subject of fierce controversy. Chartered by the Crown, and with specific public duties to perform, it typifies one aspect of English Mercantilism a private corporation which is placed in a privileged position in order that it may regulate an important trade and may advance national interests as well as private profits. Such a position is open to attack from all angles, and the status of the Hudson's Bay Company has been almost constantly challenged. Its duty to explore the vast domains entrusted to its care, to seek and discover a practicable North-west Passage (a duty at last fulfilled in 1937),' its struggles with interlopers of one kind and another, its methods of trapping and of trading, its attitude towards agricultural settlement, towards the natives, towards the trade in spirits, towards missionaries of various denominations, towards its own servants, active or retired they have all been the subject of petition, complaint and litigation. From this almost constant controversy has resulted the production of a certain number of publications and documents which leave an impression of the Company as a corporation with a great past, a history unrivalled in many respects, but open to criticism on some points. Parliamentary enquiries, McLean's Journal of his 25 years' service with the Company, the Reverend Herbert Beaver's published attack on the Company's administration of the Columbia River settlement, the official

Book Reviews59 reflects this development and points the way to future thorough studies in this field. As the Way Opens makes lively and thought-provoking reading for historians, feminists, and the casually curious. Wallingford, PANancy V. Webster Curator of the Dead, Thomas Hodgkin (1798-1866). By Michael Rose. London, Peter Owen, 1981. 148 pp. Illustrations, appendix, bibliography, index. £9.50. The author of this brief biography lets it be known at once in his preface that he does not consider his work definitive, and that his present aim is to take "one modest step" toward the recognition of a neglected pioneer in the medical profession who was also an active and faithful member of the Society of Friends. Within this unassuming framework the book may be said to succeed, but it leaves the inquiring reader far from satisfied. Most of us would know the name of Hodgkin only from the disease which he isolated and identified. Apparently he was kept from a more notable career by a series of unfortunate circumstances. At Guy's Hospital in London he occupied a position which bore the same strange name as the title of this book. His tenure diere was cut short by a disagreement with the all-powerful Treasurer of the Hospital, Benjamin Harrison. The disagreement had nothing to do widi medicine. Hodgkin maintained a lifelong interest in the preservation of native societies, which in the nineteenth century continued to be decimated by the incursion of imperialist and corporate profiteers. In the vanguard of these were, very often, the Christian missionaries. Harrison, in addition to his position of authority at Guy's Hospital, was also a member of the Grand Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company— later its Deputy Governor. Hodgkin had come into possession of information about what was really happening to the Indians and Eskimos of North America in the wake of the Hudson's Bay Company agents, and he felt obliged to report the situation to his superior and ask that he press for speedy reforms in the company's very profitable operations. Harrison, of course, denied that the report on which Hodgkin based his appeal was authentic, and Hodgkin eventually felt himself so out of favor with the hospital management that in 1837, at the age of thirty-nine, he resigned and all but brought his medical career to a close. The rest of his life was largely devoted to the Aborigines Protection Society which he helped to found. The APS was apparently a typically nineteenth century philanthropic organization devoted to "enlightened" colonialism. Rose judges it a failure in its efforts to stem the ruthless tide of territorial aggrandizement: "In 1909 the APS disbanded, not because its cause had finally prevailed, but because its purpose appeared to have been utterly overwhelmed." In his later years Hodgkin did considerable traveling, chiefly to learn more about native populations. His last journey was to the Holy Land, where he had gone to assist in a relief mission. He died therein 1866. To the other tragedies in Hodgkin's life must be added a personal one. He and his first cousin, Sarah Godlee, were childhood sweethearts, and 60Quaker History remained in love with each other throughout their lifetimes. But the Society of Friends forbade first-cousin marriages, and Hodgkin remained reluctantly obedient to Quaker instruction. Even after Sarah had married another and become widowed, Hodgkin, still a bachelor, took his case to Yearly Meeting and was turned down. Rather than be expelled from the Society he accepted the disappointment philosophically, and, at die age of fifty, married another widow with two grown sons after the elders of Nottingham Meeting were persuaded to admit her into membership. The picture of Thomas Hodgkin that emerges from Rose's book is that of an intelligent, idealistic, but pathetically ineffectual reformer whose failures appear to the reader to be the result not of the villainy of his antagonists (principally Harrison), but of some lack in his own personality. Tantalizingly incomplete as this picture is, there is still too much material here compressed into too small a space to make for easy reading. We may hope that with this beginning someone will undertake a more exhaustive...

Let me begin by invoking three moments from the history of the North American West. The first occurred in late 1801; the second, in 1842 or early 1843; the third took place in 1881. Together, these three moments set the stage for this volume of essays, an attempt probe the commingling of Canada's West with that of the United States West in history, image, and myth, adapt the phrasing of Henry Nash Smith's subtitle in Virgin Land (1950). Any story, any history, is a combination of verifiable fact, descriptive image, and believed (or disbelieved) mythology, and nowhere has this been more evident that in the North American West it explored, settled, and understood from the sixteenth century the present. Three moments. John L. Allen, author of the excellent Passage Through the Garden: Lewis and Clark and the Image of the American Northwest (1975), has also written of Thomas Jefferson's reaction the publication, in London, of Alexander Mackenzie's Voyages from Montreal, on the River St. Lawrence, through the Continent of North the Frozen and Pacific Oceans in the Years 1789 and 1793 (1801). He says that late in 1801 the President was worried because the publication of Mackenzie's book stirred the imagination of the Western world and jolted Jefferson's thinking on the geography of the western interior of North America (79). As a consequence, Jefferson ordered his own copy of the book from Philadelphia, he began poring his collection of books and maps on western North and he told his personal secretary, Meriwether Lewis, to begin making preparations for an American exploration the Pacific. More than this, Jefferson also informed the Spanish, British, and French ministers the United States of his intentions send Lewis west, as he put it, 'unite the discoveries' of the explorers of Rupert's Land with those of an American party farther south (80). That's just what Lewis and Clark eventually did--unite the versions of the geographical reality of the North American West then understood in Europe, in British North America, and in the United States. This is a first moment. The second occurred sometime over the winter of 1842-43 in London where Paul Kane, who there after studying art in Italy, met George Catlin and Catlin's art on display in Egyptian Hall, Piccadilly. The American then basking in the fame that his for a short time, a notoriety fueled by his best-selling book, Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the North American Indians that had been published in 1841 (see Dippie et al). Kane, inspired by this meeting and by Catlin's images, decided embark on a similar project in Canada. He returned there and made an initial summer sketching trip the northern Great Lakes country in 1845 before securing the support of the Hudson's Bay Company for his transcontinental trip, 1846-48. As J. Russell Harper explains, Sir George Simpson--Inland Governor of the Company--wrote a circular letter all Hudson's Bay Company officers in 'Ruperts Land and Elswehere,' directing that the artist be given free transportation of company boats and 'hospitalities' at all posts. Kane, a guest of the Hudson's Bay Company, could go without cost anywhere in the vast territories it controlled (Qtd. in MacLaren, I Came, 11). It a wonderful deal. Kane, in fact, arrived on the Pacific coast in the same HBC brigade that brought the official news of the Oregon Treaty (1846). That is, he there just vast changes were afoot. The third moment is a brief one, barely mentioned in the biographical accounts of North America's most-famous Western painter, Frederic Remington. In 1881, Remington made his first trip west Montana, the trip from which he sent back--drawn on a piece of wrapping paper--his first illustration appear in Harper's Weekly (in February 1882). During that trip he crossed the Canada-U.S. border on horseback and there, according one commentator, saw his first Mounted Police--bringing in a Blackfoot suspected of murder. …

In recent article on the nineteenth-century North American fur trade Ann Carlos and Elizabeth Hoffman interpret negotiations between the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) and the Northwest Company (NWC) through the application of formal bargaining models.' The article is valuable contribution to our understanding of the negotiations that eventually resulted in the merger between the Hudson's Bay Company and the Northwest Company, but its authors have the more ambitious goal of providing a framework for studying other duopolies (or small groups of firms) in economic history.' 2 Their aim is to clarify economic history by analyzing this historical event within framework of two-person bargaining under imperfect information. I suggest, however, that Carlos and Hoffman have not been altogether successful. Although they study an interesting historical case, they invoke an inadequate and inappropriate framework that distracts from the relevant historical issues. It is easy to see why the story of the North American fur trade negotiations would interest economic historians. Between 1804 and 1821 the Hudson's Bay Company and the Northwest Company were duopoly protected from outside competition and unhindered by antitrust legislation. They operated in the same geographical region and in the same markets. Carlos and Hoffman ask why the two companies failed to merge for the better part of quarter-century despite realizing that merger would be mutually beneficial. Although the merger eventually took place, it came only after protracted negotiation which dissipated most of the rents. Previous studies have modeled the fur trade in non-cooperative (Prisoners' Dilemma) terms, but, Carlos and Hoffman argue, there were too many attempts at cooperation to make that framework appropriate here.3 The two firms made numerous gestures of cooperation, were legally capable of signing an agreement, and were in constant negotiations for merger. But if cooperative game theory is the appropriate analytic structure, we are confronted with paradox. The two firms resisted merger despite the obvious advantages and in contradiction to the predictions of simple model of cooperative game. Carlos and Hoffman suggest resolution by appealing to more complicated models of bargaining. Making use of the theoretical work of Vincent Crawford and Roger Myerson, the authors conclude that the achievement of joint maximum was hindered by incomplete information, commitment to strategy which led

boundary by the Oregon Treaty of 1846. They were Vancouver Island and British Columbia. Vancouver Island, which dates from the year of the great California gold rush, was a child of the Hudson's Bay Company, merely an adjunct to the fur trading monopoly. Terms of settlement so severe as to discourage immigration were laid down by the Hudson's Bay Company.! The one independent settler, Captain W. Colquohoun Grant, was for a time employed by the company as surveyor. A royal governor, Richard Blanshard, whoserule lasted from March, 1850, to September, i851, was a pathetic figure, a governor without a colony. The real ruler was Chief Factor James Douglas of the Hudson's Bay Company, who after the departure of Blanshard became the de jure as well as de facto governor. He ruled by means of an appointed council chiefly made up of officers and ex-officers of the company. In 1856 a legislative assembly was set up but it had little power. At least five of the seven members had been or actually were in the company's employ. The gold rush to Fraser River in the spring of 1858 led to the establishment of a new colony on the mainland. This was British Columbia, so named by Her Majesty Queen Victoria. James Douglas became governor of the new gold colony but was forced by Downing Street to relinquish all connection with

... He appears to have gone to sea at quite an early age, his service aboard Hudson's Bay Company ships beginning around 1719, possibly even earlier. Early in his career Middleton established his reputation as a meticulous and innovative navigator: in the spring of 1726 he published a paper in the Royal Society's Philosophical Transactions on the variation of the magnetic needle in Hudson Bay. The following year he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, a great honour for a ship's captain of only two years' standing. Shortly afterwards, Middleton's path crossed that of Arthur Dobbs, an influential Anglo-Irish landowner and a hard-line free trader who bitterly resented the Hudson's Bay Company's monopoly. Furthermore, Dobbs was convinced that a practicable Northwest Passage could be found via Hudson Bay and he decided to pursue its discovery, incidentally hoping to break the Company's monopoly in the process. Using his considerable influence in London, Dobbs persuaded the Admiralty to mount an expedition to search for the Northwest Passage via Hudson Bay. Further, by arranging a commission for Middleton in the Navy, Dobbs induced him to leave the company and to command this enterprise. ... Leaving Churchill on 30 June 1742, Middleton's ships headed north. They discovered and entered Wager Bay but were then locked in the bay for several weeks by drifting ice. By means of boat journeys, however, Middleton established to his own satisfaction that the Northwest Passage did not lie through Wager Bay. Emerging again into Roes Welcome Sound pushed north once more, only to have his hopes dashed on reaching the cul-de-sac of Repulse Bay. Frozen Strait was still ice-covered; hence, there was no chance of pursuing the search into Foxe Basin. Having called at Marble Island for water, Middleton sailed for home, satisfied in his own mind that there was no route to the Pacific through Hudson Bay. ... To Middleton we owe the exploration and mapping of Wager Bay, the northern part of Roes Welcome Sound, and Repulse Bay. Such a highly qualified judge as Captain W.E. Parry, for whom Middleton's discoveries were the starting point of his own second expedition, was extremely impressed by the carefulness and accuracy of Middleton's observations and surveying. It is extremely ironic that, while the names of Lieutenant John Rankin and Arthur Dobbs are commemorated in the place names of Rankin Inlet and Cape Dobbs, Christopher Middleton's name appears nowhere on the map of the Hudson Bay area. Rectification of this situation is long overdue.

THE paper read at Monday's meeting of the Royal Geographical Society was on Hudson's Bay and Hudson's Strait as anavigable channel, by Commander Markham. It was really a brief sketch of a much larger memoir on Hudson's Bay which Commander Markham has prepared, and which will ultimately be published by the Society. For some years investigations have been carried on with a view to discover whether the navigation of Hudson's Bay could be so depended on as to justify its acceptance as a regular trade route, in conjunction with a railway, to the more northerly parts of Canada. Commander Markham briefly sketches the history of navigation in Hudson's Bay, and concludes with the results of his own visit in the summer of 1886 on board the Alert. The result, he states, of all the experience gathered from voyages during two centuries, and from observations at the stations, is that Hudson's Strait is perfectly navigable and free from ice in August and later in the season. It must be remembered that this passage has been successfully accomplished nearly every year for the last two centuries, while the vessels that have been employed on the service have been ordinary sailing-ships, dependent entirely on wind and weather. It is very rare indeed that they have failed to get through, and still more rare that any of them have been destroyed by the ice. It appears from the official records of the Hudson's Bay Company that Moose Factory, on the southern shore of the bay, has been visited annually by a ship since 1735, with but one exception, namely in 1779, when the vessel for once failed to achieve the passage of the strait. The percentage of losses by shipwreck among these vessels employed in Hudson's Bay is far less than would have to be recorded in a like number of ships engaged in general ocean traffic. Commander Markham pointed out that until quite recently only sailing-vessels attempted to navigate Hudson's Bay, and maintained that with a properly constructed steam-vessel, there need be neither difficulty nor danger. The establishment of new routes for commerce, Commander Mark-ham concluded, is always a gain to the science of geography. In come cases new regions have to be discovered and explored. In others the physical aspects of an already known region must be more carefully studied, and many points of interest relating to the action of climates, or of winds and currents, may be ascertained. The proposed Winnipeg and Hudson's Bay Railroad is a striking instance. The objections of opponents to the route have had to be carefully examined. All former experience had to be collected, maturely considered, and passed in review. Observatories had to be established at several points, to make certain whether the historical records actually coincided with physical facts as they now exist. The route itself had to be sailed over and explored. All these various researches have been as great again to geography as to commerce. They have enriched our science with a fresh stock of information, have revised previous conceptions, and confirmed or rejected, as the case may be, the theories and views which may have been put forward. From this point of view, and from this point of view alone, can commercial or political questions receive consideration here. The study of the Hudson's Bay route involves a problem for which physical geography alone can furnish a solution.

Christopher Middleton (d. 1770) was a sea captain, first with the Hudson's Bay Company, then in the Royal Navy, who was awarded the Royal Society's Copley Medal in 1742. His early work on magnetic variation in northern latitudes was encouraged by Edmond Halley, as he published a series of tables of variation in the Philosophical Transactions . These tables illustrate Middleton's transition from the priorities characteristic of the seaman's interest in variation to the wider, natural philosophical agenda of the Society. They illustrate also his enthusiasm for novel instrumentation, in particular altitude instruments for use at sea, such as Hadley's quadrant. Middleton was persuaded by Arthur Dobbs to resign from the Hudson's Bay Company and accept a commission in the Royal Navy so as to command an expedition to search for a Northwest Passage to the East Indies from Hudson's Bay. It was his report on this voyage that won him the Copley Medal but which also led to a bitter and, for Middleton, ruinous public dispute with Dobbs. Middleton emerges as an outstanding seaman and a worthy, if relatively unknown, medallist.

Discussion of this paper is invited. Three copies of any discussion should be sent to the Society of Petroleum Engineers office. Such discussions may be presented at the above meeting and, with the paper, may be considered for publication in one of the two SPE magazines. Abstract Construction of unenclosed gas processing plants is suitable for cold processing plants is suitable for cold weather operation provided appropriate winterizing procedures are followed. The result should be a safer operating plant with less investment. plant with less investment Introduction Hudson's Bay Oil and Gas Company Limited is a producing company employing 875 people. It was formed through an agreement between what is now Continental oil Company in the United States and the Hudson's Bay Company Limited. The Hudson's Bay Company was incorporated in 1670 under a charter given by King Charles II. It is the oldest company in existence in North America. Hudson's Bay Oil and Gas operates seven sour gas plants and one sweet gas plant in Alberta. These vary in size plant in Alberta. These vary in size up to our largest, the Kaybob South Gas Processing Plant which is designed to Processing Plant which is designed to produce 2080 long tons of sulphur, produce 2080 long tons of sulphur, 25,000 bbls. of condensate and 6,800 bbls. of LPG per day. This plant is located on 54.5 degrees North Latitude and is subject to severe winter conditions. It is this plant and our Edson Gas Plant, about 60 plant and our Edson Gas Plant, about 60 miles south of the Kaybob South Plant, which will be discussed in this paper. Discussion Winter temperatures in North Central Alberta will drop to 60 degrees F below zero on occasion. Minimums of 40 degrees F below are expected. Unless proper design precautions are taken, temperatures at this precautions are taken, temperatures at this level can make a plant inoperable. One of the first decisions to be made in plant design is the extent of housing for the plant. The plants being considered in this paper are basically unhoused. only process pumps containing water, compressors, firing ends of boilers and other small equipment containing water are housed. One major reason for this decision is safety. The gas we handle contains up to 17% hydrogen sulphide, which is extremely poisonous. poisonous.

G.Thomas Edwards Town Boosterism on Oregon's Mining Frontier JamesVansvtkle andWalliila. Colombia Riverport, 1860-1870 ~~"T~~*^^ URING THE EARLY SETTLEMENT of the Pacific Northwest, land speculators dreamed of thewealth they could reap in the region. In the 1840s and 1850s, speculation in theOregon Territory focused along the Willamette River and on farm lands bordering Willamette Valley waterways. Town-boosters hoped to sell platted land and transform their barren property into a commercial center. Although "many towns had no more than a paper existence," geog rapherWilliam Loy explained, "each group of town promoters had faith, courage, and even confidence that itsparticular venture would outstrip all the rest."1By the early 1860s, themining rush in eastern Oregon, Idaho, and Montana drew speculators' attention to the needs of distant mining camps and towns.While Willamette Valley promoters had sought to gain from the nearby agricultural frontier, later speculators wanted to establish steamboat landings on the Columbia River in order to draw wealth from a vast interiormining frontier. These later town-builders understood that some profits would result from selling town lots; but providing goods and services tominers, teamsters, muleskinners, merchants, tradesmen, and others would earn much greater income. Perhaps themost successful Columbia River port speculator in the 1860s was an experienced businessman from California's mining frontier, JamesMilton Vansyckle. As themajor promoter of Wallula, a town located on the site of the Hudson's Bay Company's FortWalla Walla along the 7^ OHQ vol. 106, no. 1 ? 2005 Oregon Historical Society QHS neg.,CN 016015 Travelers in the 1860s thought Wallulds Front Street showed Vansyckle's impressive ability to build a vital port in a hostile environment. Other emerging Oregon towns had similar appearances. In the 1840s, for example, Portland's downtown looked much likeWallula does in thisphotograph. eastern bank of theColumbia River, Vansyckle became a prominent Walla Walla County resident. He had enjoyed a promising career inCalifornia and Oregon before moving to the bleak Washington Territory site. Born in 1822 inCincinnati, Ohio, Vansyckle took his wife, Susanna, and children toCalifornia in the early 1850s. In September 1853,he became the Stockton agent for Wells Fargo, a young, fast-growing company dependent upon skilled managers. Vansyckle managed the company's bank and oversaw the transportation of gold dust from California's southern mines. In that instant city,he learned about speculative real estate and observed steam1 boats from San Francisco carrying miners and mining supplies and freight wagons and pack mules hauling loads to interiormining camps and towns. Widely respected in Stockton, "Milt" Vansyckle, as he was known, served as chief engineer of the volunteer fire department and, in 1855,asmayor. Two years later, Wells Fargo promoted him to the position of superintendent in Edwards, Town Boosterism on Oregon's Mining Frontier 77 Sacramento, requiring him to travel to scattered agencies. He also served briefly as superintendent in the company's San Francisco office. In 1858, Vansyckle's employer appointed him tohead itsPortland office, a significant post thathe would hold until July1859. Soon the aspiring new comer was elected to the city council, was chosen as the fire department's chief engineer, and served as a delegate to the stateDemocratic convention, where he supported Senator JoeLane against Salem editor Asahel Bush in a struggle formastery of the party. A Democratic editor inPortland hailed Vansyckle and his allies for defeating "dangerous and treacherous Repub licans," while the Oregonian, a voice for the Republican Party, included him among the "small men in California" who grew "wonderfully large inOregon in a brief period."2 Vansyckle eventually lost his position with Wells Fargo, according to one critic, "on account of dabbling in politics, to the injury of the company's business."3 With a partner he then briefly operated Portland's Metropolis Hotel.4 Vansyckle soon saw the potential of the upper Columbia. In the spring of 1859,he and other Portland profit-seekers must have read that Lt. John Mullan was directing soldiers building a road between Fort Benton on theMissouri River inwhat isnow Montana andWalla Walla, Washington Territory. Travelers who reached Walla Walla via the new road would then proceed along a branch of theOregon Trail to theColumbia River. Obvi ously a river port...

In examining how the historical, fur-trading Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) controlled the agency problem, Carlos and Nicholas (1990) concluded that accounting in general was one of the many techniques used. This study expands on the work of Carlos and Nicholas. For the period from 1821 to 1860, it examines original documents in addition to published documents used by Carlos and Nicholas. It uses a specific agency theorytransaction cost economics (TCE). Because of the uncertainty that prevailed through communication lags caused by the great distances, TCE suggests that the HBC would develop extensive directing and monitoring mechanisms and use what is now known as management accounting. The data suggest that the HBC conformed well to the TCE predictions that directing and monitoring mechanisms would be highly developed. The internal accounting had many features comparable to contemporary management accounting.

Reviewed by: Native American in the Land of the Shogun: Ranald MacDonald and the Opening of Japan Patricia E. Roy Native American in the Land of the Shogun: Ranald MacDonald and the Opening of Japan. Frederik L. Schodt. Berkeley: Stone Bridge Press, 2003. Pp. 432, illus. US$39.95 cloth, US$19.95 paper This is an unusual book about an unusual man, Ranald MacDonald, who has a cult-like following in 'Friends of MacDonald' societies in the United States and Japan. MacDonald was born in 1824 in Astoria, Oregon, the grandson of Chief Comcomly, a Chinook, and the son of Archibald MacDonald, a Hudson's Bay Company trader. He was educated at the Red River Academy. After a brief, unhappy stint of clerking in St Thomas, Canada West, he joined an east coast whaling ship. His chief claim to fame, however, was his ten months in Japan, after which he claimed to have been 'the instigator of Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan' (17). After travelling through parts of Asia, Australia, and Europe, he returned to North America where he engaged in a variety of endeavours in British Columbia before retiring to the Colville Valley of Washington State, where he had spent part of his childhood. As a mixed-blood, he initially identified as a 'white,' but in his old age he considered himself an American 'Indian' (21). Frederik Schodt, the author of this biography, suggests that MacDonald's discovery that he was of mixed blood (his mother had died shortly after his birth), may have influenced his decision to go to Japan. The book is unusual because the author intersperses a scholarly narrative of MacDonald's life with stories of encounters with MacDonald's 'fans' at MacDonald monuments and on field trips. As Schodt admits, it is not a full biography since it passes over MacDonald's little-known career in Australia and his longer time in British Columbia in order to provide 'detail on the environments that helped propel him on his course in life' (xiii). In fact, Schodt uses MacDonald's story as a peg [End Page 621] on which to hang gossipy biographical sketches of his contemporaries and descriptions of the histories and settings of places that MacDonald visited in North America, Hawaii, and Japan, and of the adventures of others there. Among such events, which were at best peripherally associated with MacDonald, was the 'Dickson Filibuster.' A madman persuaded some young men of Red River, but not MacDonald, to join a ragtag expedition whose goal may have been to take California from the Mexicans. Schodt admits no one knows what Ranald thought of the event, but without providing direct evidence, suggests that Archibald MacDonald may have viewed his son in the same disdainful way as did the parents of the young lads who fell for Dickson's scheme. Yet Schodt dispels myths that have arisen around Ranald MacDonald. He tells, for example, the story of the three 'kichis,' Japanese sailors who accidentally drifted across the Pacific to be rescued by the Makah people and who have become the subjects of a novel and film in Japan and a musical in the United States. Though fiction writers have linked them with MacDonald, Schodt, after extensive research, found no evidence that they ever met. The book was written for American readers. To cite a simple example, it informs readers that the British Columbia Archives are in Canada. Despite Schodt's extensive research in the Hudson's Bay Company and other archives and careful attention to separate the many myths about MacDonald from reality, Canadian students of the fur trade are unlikely to learn little that is new. Japan, and its limited contact with foreigners before Perry, however, is the centrepiece. There, despite being imprisoned, as was common for foreigners who strayed into Japanese territory, MacDonald reached an accommodation with his captors. He taught conversational English to some of the official interpreters at Nagasaki who needed that knowledge to deal with the increasing number of British and American vessels that, despite exclusion laws, were entering its ports. Canadians will find this lively and nicely illustrated adventure tale and historiographical detective story to be an entertaining entrée...