Language endangerment in Amdo. The case of the Gansu Bonan

This study explores the cash waqf and health care issues within the Muslim community in Ghana. The community encounters numerous health challenges due to the Ghanaian national health insurance's limited coverage of all health services, particularly high-cost treatment operations. As a result, many impoverished Muslims are unable to afford the cost of these operations. The aim of this study is to develop a model for a cash waqf fund that will support healthcare projects. The researchers used an inductive approach to extrapolate and derive rules related to the cash waqf; in addition, an analytical-descriptive approach was used to discover the challenges in the field of healthcare in Muslim communities in Ghana and the possibility of applying the cash waqf fund in Ghana to address the challenges by conducting personal interviews with some experts and stakeholders. The researchers also used thematic analysis to analyze the data. The study concluded with a variety of findings, such as contemporary jurists have adopted the perspective of those who argue that cash waqf is permissible, since it satisfies the Sharῑ‘ah objective of waqf, which is retaining the principal and offering its benefits, and because units of money have no specific merits that prevent units from standing for and replacing each other. Likewise, in this era, the cash waqf also plays an important role in improving the health sector in countries with a Muslim majority or a Muslim minority. Additionally, Muslim doctors in Ghana established an association to address the challenges they faced in the health sector and to provide health care services to the Muslim community in Ghana. However, the association's ability to carry out its work was hampered by a lack of funding. Therefore, the proposed cash waqf model offers potential benefits for financing projects in the health care sector of society.

As Islam’s visibility in global society increases, Muslim populations grow, and Muslim countries compete to take up positions at the heart of global sport, the interplay between sport and Islam becomes ever more illuminating. Sport in Islam and in Muslim Communities is the first book to analyse this relationship through a pluralist lens, exploring the questions it raises about contemporary Islam, globalisation, and the challenges faced by (in particular young) Muslims in negotiating their place in global society. With contributions from Muslim and non-Muslim authors, the book approaches an array of contemporary issues, from the role of sport in gender, youth and political identities in Islam and Muslim societies to sport policy in Muslim countries, sport’s role among Muslim minorities and sport marketing’s relationship to Muslim cultures. Drawing on sociology, anthropology, political science, Islamic studies and sport studies, Sport in Islam and in Muslim Communities not only examines the significance of sport in Islam, but helps to draw wider conclusions on religious identity in sporting settings and the interplay between sport, gender, political ideology and consumer culture.

Minority Muslims are Muslim communities residing in non-Muslim countries, including Europe, America, China, and India. Their presence in these nations has brought forth various novel issues concerning religious practices and the Muslim way of life. Among these issues, marriage and family dynamics are significant. Therefore, this article aims to examine the approach of the local mufti in addressing a situation where married women embrace Islam without their husbands in the United K ingdom. Although the prevailing view among the majority of Islamic scholars and in Muslim-majority countries is to dissolve such marriages, the historical context and current reality of minority Muslim communities call for a different approach. Thus, the role of the local mufti, who is esteemed within the local Muslim community, becomes crucial in preserving the integrity of Islam while simultaneously embracing the Muslim community, particularly female converts. This study employs a qualitative methodology, gathering data through interviews with local muftis and Islamic scholars in the UK. The findings reveal that this issue is interpreted differently compared to the situation in Muslim-majority countries. Therefore, the role of the mufti is crucial in issuing fatwas that take into account the context of the Muslim minority community, ensure the well-being of women who have recently converted to Islam in the UK, and balance between Shariah principles and social reality. Fatwa issued need to be carefully drafted to safeguard the maslahah (well-being) of female converts without disregarding the provisions of Shariah.

The purpose of this study is to reassess the application of the maslahah (public interest) framework in a minority Muslim setting, specifically through an analysis of the 2023 MUI South Sulawesi Fatwa (No. 003) regarding the permissibility of selling crops for pig feed in Toraja. By examining this fatwa, the study aims to contribute to the broader discourse on how Islamic legal reasoning adapts within pluralistic and socio-economically diverse contexts. The research employs a qualitative methodology that combines library research and field study. The library research encompasses Islamic legal sources, previous fatwas, and scholarly literature on maslahah (public interest) and transactions involving prohibited elements in Islam. The field study complements this with interviews involving MUI South Sulawesi scholars and Muslim community members in Toraja, providing insights into both the rationale behind the fatwa and the community’s reception. The findings demonstrate that the fatwa represents a shift from the conventional reliance on blocking the sadd al-dharī‘ah (means to harm) toward a more pragmatic application of maslahah (public interest) and istihsān (juridical preference). By allowing the sale of crops for pig feed, the fatwa acknowledges the socio-economic realities faced by minority Muslims in Toraja and highlights the adaptability of Islamic law in non-majority settings. The originality of this study lies in situating the fatwa within the lived experiences of minority Muslims, showing how maslahah (public interest) functions beyond abstract legal theorization. The implications extend to the development of a more contextual and responsive Islamic jurisprudence that remains relevant to diverse Muslim communities navigating pluralistic societies.

This article examines the doctrine of Jurisprudence of Muslim Minorities (Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat) in the context of the Palestinian Muslim community in Israel. The first part discusses the origins and goals of Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat. After outlining the particular historical and political context of the Palestinian minority in Israel, the article focuses on the ethno-religious political mobilization developed by the Muslim community vis-à-vis the state’s strategies of control and domination, and points out the difficulties involved in the application of Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat, as used in “Western” states, for the reality that Muslims face in Israel. The article suggests a vigilant approach toward the Jurisprudence of Minorities, as we argue that, when applying it in this context of the Muslim community in Israel, this doctrine has two substantial limitations. The first is theoretical and it concerns the doctrine’s current incapability to distinguish between different types of minorities, as well as failing to recognize a difference between various political regimes and societal lives that might be inherently less or more accommodating or even hostile to minorities, and Muslim minority communities in particular. The second limitation relates to the political dimension and the lack of consideration for the status of the Palestinian minority as an indigenous and national minority and not an immigrant minority. Their status as national minorities, at times also as indigenous peoples, who are perceived as entitled to group-based “self-government rights”, poses a serious challenge to this doctrine’s scope and viability.

This chapter analyzes and references topical aspects of changing life-worlds of Chinese Hui Muslim girls and women from a discursive context of salient voices in current international and, importantly, Chinese-language scholarship. Particular attention is paid to Hui Muslim communities in the borderland regions of northwest China, as they command most research interest and constitute the bulk of journal articles, book publications, and academic dissertations. The chapter points to the difficulty of framing such discussion in terms of the concept of “activism” in relation to Chinese state policies and state discourse of religious minorities as well as to positionalities of local researchers most prominently engaged in academic and applied investigation. Mostly female and Muslim born into the traditional Muslim communities of China’s borderland areas, researchers’ viewpoints are more often shaped by shared origin and empathy than by critical interpretation.

,This research critically examines the opportunities and challenges of Sri Lanka's post-civil war reconciliation efforts since 2009. Despite hopes that decades of ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese majority and Tamil and Muslim minorities could be resolved, substantive reconciliation remains elusive fifteen years after the war's conclusion. Through a qualitative case study methodology informed by feminist critical theory and postcolonial frameworks, I prioritise experiential knowledge and 8everyday9 understandings of affected communities. Drawing on investigative reports, case studies, and ten semi-structured interviews with subject matter experts (academic researchers, grassroots activists, civil society leaders, and government administrators), I have identified three primary themes. First, I found a significant gap between state and community perceptions of reconciliation, with government actions at odds with local expectations and experiences. Second, I observe how intensified military presence through surveillance and land appropriation threatened livelihoods and deepened economic exclusion in the North and East, which eroded civil liberties, perpetuating fear and mistrust. Third, I analyse how minority rights issues, particularly concerning the 13th Amendment of the Sri Lankan Constitution, language rights, and political representation, continue to reinforce inequalities that undermine reconciliation. In the absence of meaningful state-led initiatives, my research highlights how grassroots organisations and civil society actors have developed innovative bottom-up approaches to facilitate 'everyday' reconciliation. By centring the visions of Tamil and Muslim communities regarding pluralism, security, political inclusion, and systemic justice, I explore pathways for a holistic reconciliation. My findings reveal a disconnect between official reconciliation rhetoric and the lived experiences of affected communities, suggesting that sustainable peace requires addressing structural inequalities and embracing community-centred approaches within a holistic reconciliation process.

This paper, Regional Disparities, Demographic Trends, and Educational Backwardness among Muslims in West Bengal: A Critical Analysis, examines the persistent educational inequalities faced by the Muslim community, which constitutes 25% of the states population yet remains socio-economically marginalised. Drawing on Census data (2011), the Sachar Committee Report (2006), and localised case studies, the study reveals stark literacy gaps: Muslims (63.6% literacy) trail Hindus (73.2%) and Christians (82.4%), with disparities worsening in higher education (only 4.4% graduates). Regional analysis highlights acute disadvantages in high-concentration districts, such as Murshidabad (55.3% literacy) and Uttar Dinajpur (52.1%), where inadequate infrastructure, teacher shortages, and socio-cultural barriers impede access. Gender disparities are pronounced, with only 25% of Muslim girls reaching higher secondary due to early marriage (33% married before 18) and safety concerns. The paper underscores systemic neglect, linking educational backwardness to limited formal employment (predominance in informal sectors) and restricted social mobility. Policy recommendations include targeted interventions, such as prioritising school construction in Muslim-majority areas, recruiting bilingual teachers, expanding girls education initiatives, and modernising madrasas. This study addresses intersectional marginalisation and fosters inclusive development in West Bengal by advocating for spatially tailored, data-driven policies. Keywords: educational disparities, Muslim minority, regional inequality, literacy rates, West Bengal, Sachar Committee, gender gap, policy interventions.

Securitization theory describes a process by which an ordinary political issue is transformed into a security issue. In this way, it is possible to take extraordinary measures in the name of security. Securitization theory suggests that the issues that become securitized are not necessarily essential to the objective survival of a state but rather represent issues that elite groups have successfully deemed necessary for a state’s survival. This article seeks to extend the theory to include the political variable of an interest group as part of the criteria that transform a subject from being political to securitized. This article argue policymakers may choose not to include a particular group or segments of it in the category of ‘security threat’ because of the electoral variable that could affect their governance or potential election. This article will make a comparatively analyze the nature of the legislation, political language, and foreign policy in both the United States and Great Britain after Muslim citizens of both countries carried out terrorist attacks between the years 2001–2020. The hypothesis is that Britain, because of the inherent political potential of its Muslim community, prefers not to significantly transform Islamic terrorism into a security issue, while the United States does not consider the Muslim minority to be politically important and therefore reacts more harshly to the Muslim minority in the country after any kind of Islamic terrorist attacks on its soil. This article offers a new understanding of the importance of the political variable within the securitization theory.

The plight of ethno-religious minorities the world over can be meaningfully appraised by reference to the political context and circumstances within which such minorities operate. These include factors such as a country's history and religious demography, the state of majority-minority relations, geo-politics, the extent of development and modernization, and governmental policies. Thus, when one studies the case of Singapore's principal religious minority group, the Muslims, these imperatives need to be understood, if not appreciated. Studying the state of affairs of Singapore's Muslim community (the majority of whom are ethnic Malays) can perhaps also offer some insights about the relative impact of modernization and globalization upon ethno-religious, particularistic tendancies, and how modern multi-ethnic states today go about balancing competing minority ethno-religious pulls on the one hand, and forging a common national identity and consciousness, on the other. This paper highlights some salient features of Singapore's Muslim minority, including their socio-economic challenges and goes on to discuss their autonomous attempts to preserve and promote their ethno-religious identity in secular, modern Singapore. In spite of constituting only about a quarter of the total population, the case of the Muslim Malays receives added significance given their constitutional position as the indigenous people of Singapore, and the Republic's location in the Malay-Muslim world of South-east Asia.

Based on a broad understanding of institutions, the question of institutional racism concerns not only specific authorities, but also political fields established through formal and informal rules and norms. Since 9/11, the so-called prevention of Islamist extremism, shaped and regulated by various state and non-state institutions, has developed as an independent field of work in many western countries. Thus, it is not surprising that critical security researchers have increasingly addressed the question of the potentially stigmatizing effects of this work on Muslim minorities. However, initial findings from our research project on the nexus between the prevention of Islamist extremism on the one hand, and racism in Germany on the other, show that the connections between the two are far more complex than assumed. Certain prevention practices, such as the specific targeting of Muslim individuals and communities, seem not only to have stigmatizing effects (racism through prevention), but also to (re)produce anti-Muslim racism. At the same time, the study also shows that racist ideas in society can hinder the implementation of prevention measures (racism within prevention). In this light, Gaspar and Kirchgässner argue that the prevention of Islamist extremism must be understood as an (institutionalized) political field that not only has stigmatizing effects but also operates within existing racist structures. To understand these structures better, they argue for a stronger theoretical link between critical security studies and research on racism.

Islam lies at the heart of the identities of Muslims in China even though issues involving ethnicity and language have been present to varying extents. However, it is difficult to generalize Muslim identity in China due to their wide dispersion throughout the country as well as their divergent nature. The ethnic identity of Uighur is very different from that of the Hui Muslims, many of whom share a number of cultural and demographic traits with the Han Chinese. Even within particular minority groupings, issues involving language and culture have been present to varying degrees. This was the reason Muslim identity could not consolidate on a stronger scale on its own until the formation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. Since then, Beijing’s attempts to integrate minorities have triggered a perception of threat among the Muslims, especially the Uighurs. In fact, reforms in the social, political, and economic areas targeting minorities in general and Muslim minorities in particular had never been unproblematic. The result was the overall perception that the Muslim population in China has deliberately been placed in a position of lesser economic, political, intellectual strength vis-a-vis the Han Chinese than at any time previously. This perception is most manifest in Xinjiang, a region with a substantial Muslim population and a turbulent history.

The concept of minority fiqh (fiqh al-aqalliyyat) addresses the unique challenges faced by Muslim communities living as minorities in non-Muslim-majority societies. Tana Toraja, a region in Indonesia with a predominantly Christian population, presents a distinct sociocultural context where Muslims must navigate religious practices while adapting to local customs. This study aims to examine the application of minority fiqh in the daily lives of the Muslim minority in Tana Toraja and explore how Islamic law is contextualized within this pluralistic society. Using a qualitative case study approach, data were collected through in-depth interviews with religious leaders and community members, participatory observations, and document analysis. The findings reveal that the Muslim community in Tana Toraja adopts a flexible approach to religious practices, particularly in matters of interfaith marriage, religious celebrations, and social interactions, emphasizing principles of maslahah (public interest) and tolerance. This study contributes to the existing literature by providing empirical insights into the practical implementation of minority fiqh in a unique cultural setting. The research highlights the importance of an adaptive and contextualized approach to Islamic jurisprudence to ensure the preservation of religious identity while fostering social harmony. These findings offer valuable implications for policymakers, religious scholars, and minority Muslim communities worldwide in addressing the complexities of religious coexistence in diverse societies.

The freedom of religion in communist China is an ambiguous notion as the communist party understands religion as a reminiscent of backwardness and simultaneously proclaims the freedom of religion in the country. Islam, religion practiced by Hui minority, is included among the recognized religions of China and its adherents are granted rights to follow it. This paper argues that the Communist party has employed a disguised policy of controlling religious belief through establishing state controlled religious organizations and imparting freedom to practice religion. The slow and steady mind-making through these institutions train Hui youth to withdraw from their religion and to facilitate this withdrawal, the previously extant correlation between Hui ethnicity and religion (Islam) has been eliminated by the state and Hui ethnicity has nothing to do with religious affiliation anymore. The data for this research has been collected through ethnographic research upon the Hui community of Xi’an, employing unobtrusive observation as well as intensive interviewing.

(1979). The historical journey of islam eastward and the Muslim community in Japan today: Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal: Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 117-126.