Legal framework for language policy

Language policy is an essential part of the state national policy. It is focused on regulating public relations in three main directions: the use of the languages of the peoples of Russia in order to ensure their preservation and development, the formation of a set of measures that promote the use of the state language of the Russian Federation in official spheres of communication and expand its use in interpersonal informal communication (which is not regulated by law), ensuring guarantees for the study of the native language by its native speakers and popularization of the use of the national (native) language in the fields of education, creativity, and science. The implementation of language policy involves taking into account the plurality of identity, including cultural identity, linguistic identity, which can be considered, under certain conditions, not independently, but as elements of civic identity. The article examines the main directions of language policy, taking into account the combination of individual and collective interests in the fields of language and culture, which contributes to the development of both national languages and cultures and all-Russian symbols — the state language and all-Russian culture. The heterogeneous nature of the legislation of the subjects of the Russian Federation in the field of language policy implementation is emphasized. The directions of improving legislative regulation in order to ensure ethnocultural and linguistic diversity, the development of guarantees for the protection of national languages, and the improvement of the mechanism for the use of languages with different legal status are proposed. The dialectical method of scientific cognition aimed at the study of legal phenomena and processes in their interrelation and systemic unity, and other general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization) are used. Conclusion. Language policy in the interests of maintaining the cultural and national identity of Russian citizens requires taking into account at least two factors in its formation: the need to preserve and protect national culture and language as the basis for the formation of national identity, and strengthening the all-Russian civic identity, which allows a Russian citizen to recognize himself as a Russian. Its principles include the protection of the rights of Russian citizens in the field of culture and language, the promotion and preservation of national languages and cultures of each people of Russia, the adaptation of migrants to the language and culture of the host community, the protection of the linguistic rights of compatriots abroad, the protection of the state language as the main element of the all-Russian civil identity.

The article is devoted to the study of the question of whether and how essential it is the state language as a sign of the state, what is its influence on the formation and development of the state. Language is a universal means of communication of the ethnic community, a spiritual treasure, a cementing basis of national identity. The state-building role of language is manifested in the interaction of a set of functions that ensure the unity and free cultural development of the nation, guarding the preservation of its identity. To determine whether language is a sign of the state, the authors turn to the historical background of its emergence. The modern state in the process of its development and formation in the vast majority also cannot avoid the language issue. The authors consider the preference for a single state, official language to be the most effective way to solve this problem. This need follows from the essence of the state and its nature. The state (official) language is the language to which the state has granted the legal status of a mandatory means of communication in public spheres of public life . Most theorists do not attribute language to the basic features of the state. Someone does not mention language at all in the context of revealing the essential features of the state. Some do not attach special importance to it. Some refer to language as an additional attribute, an attribute of state sovereignty, a full-fledged symbol of the state, along with the flag, coat of arms and anthem. Based on the analysis of the meaning, functions and state-building role of language, the authors come to the conclusion that the state language is the main, inalienable essential and integral feature of the state. The language policy of the state should continue to be directed towards the preservation and protection the Ukrainian language as a single state language, because it is a symbolic attribute of Ukrainian state, a guarantee of the preservation of the national identity of the Ukrainian ethnos and the consolidation of the Ukrainian nation.

Indonesian Language has two positions, namely as the national language and the language of the State. In his position as the national language, Indonesian Language serves as a symbol of national pride, a symbol of national identity and as a means of communication between peoples, inter-region and intertribe. Meanwhile, as the language of the state serves as the language of instruction in educational institutions, official state language, national cultureof developer tools, science and technology. The Political Language Seminar in 2000 decided that the position of regional languages serve as a symbol of regional pride, regional identity and local community relations. The presence of Indonesian and regional languages at the present time has begun to erode in the presence of a foreign language. At least, the language users are no longer using language appropriate to the place and the circumstances. Sometimes in a formal situation, people are using foreign languages or regional languages, although the situation is demanding to use Indonesian. The same thing happened in the context of education in Banten province, the vast majority of students and educators in the teaching and learning process in the classroom often use or mix the language with the local language in Indonesian or foreign language. One of the factors that caused the decline in the vitality of Indonesian Language in society and in educational institutions is the linguistic competence of the speakers, thus when doing communication, they mix or even leave Indonesian Language.

Dil siyasəti dövlətlərin dil və milli kimliyi formalaşdırmaq, gücləndirmək və inkişaf etdirmək məqsədilə gerçəkləşdirdiyi dilplanlaşdırma fəaliyyətinin nəticəsi kimi meydana çıxmışdır. Dil siyasəti dövlətçilik siyasəti olaraq millətlərarası ünsiyyəti təmin edən effektiv vasitə kimi qiymətləndirilə bilər. Dil siyasəti hər dövlətdə və cəmiyyətdə fərqli şəkildə həyata keçirilir. Bu fərqli şəkildə həyata keçirilmənin əsas səbəbi hər dövlətin fərqli etnik quruluşa sahib olmasıdır. Özbəkistanda dil siyasətinin digər Mərkəzi Asiya ölkələri ilə müqayisədə daha nikbin inkişaf etdiyini söyləyə bilərik. Özbəkistan Prezidenti Ş. Mirziyoyevin 21 oktyabr 2019-cu ildə “Özbək dilinin dövlət dili kimi nüfuzunu və mövqeyini gücləndirmək barədə” tədbirlər planı haqqında fərmanı özbək dilinə dövlət tərəfindən verilən dəyərin göstəricisidir. Fərmanda dövlət dilinin qorunmasına, inkişaf etdirilməsinə və bu tədbirlər planından irəli gələn işlərin görülməsinə nəzarətin dövlət tərəfindən həyata keçirilməsi qeyd olunur. Bu gün Özbəkistanda qarışıq bir əlifbadan istifadə olunur. 1993, 1995 və 2001-ci illərdəki əlifba dəyişiklikləri digər türk dilləri ilə yaxınlaşma baxımından uğursuz cəhdlərdir. Ancaq dövlətin 2019-cu ildə qəbul etdiyi Tədbirlər planında keçmişdə latın əlifbasına keçiddə baş verən xətaların yenidən təkrarlanmaması üçün əlavə tədbirlərin görülməsi xüsusi qeyd olunmuşdur. Bu yazımızda Özbəkistanda müstəqillik dövründə həyata keçirilən dil siyasətindən bəhs edəcəyik.

As elsewhere in the Soviet borderland states, an important watershed in the nation-building process in Uzbekistan was the adoption in October 1989 of the law ‘On the State Language’, which granted Uzbek the status of the sole state language within the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic. Lying at the heart of the new language politics were issues of power and status rather than communication, for, as Donald Horowitz has pointed out, language is a potent symbol of both new-found group dignity and status. Although the new law made Russian the ‘language of inter-ethnic communication’, it also required employees in the state sector as well as those serving the population to command enough Uzbek for the fulfilment of job responsibilities. Owing to material and organisational constraints, however, the pace of implementation of language legislation inevitably slowed. In December 1995, more than six years after the passage of the original legislation, a revised version of the Law on the State Language was adopted. The revised edition no longer made knowledge of Uzbek compulsory for public sector employees, yet it also abolished Russian's special status, putting that medium on a par with all other ‘foreign’ languages. This chapter examines language policy in Uzbekistan and assesses how legislation has reconstituted ethnic relations between the titular group and key non-titular minorities. The first part outlines the general evolution of language policy in Uzbekistan since 1989, comparing the significant ways in which the first edition of the language law diverges from the revised edition.

The purpose of the article is to analyze national governance as a basis for building a model of language policy on a new institutional framework, which changes if some political elites are replaced by others. The methodological basis of the article is a set of philosophical, philosophical and legal and general scientific methods. Determinants are dialectical, logical, historical, systemic, structural and functional methods, as well as activity, institutional, semiotic and other interdisciplinary approaches. Scientific novelty. The position is argued that national government will have a constructive basis for building a model of language policy only if it operates in an independent democracy and develops on a new institutional framework, when different political institutions will be able to compete and compete with each other not only in elections, but also in everyday political life. In this regard, the constructive actions of communist, on the one hand, and national-democratic political forces – on the other, which in the late 1989 – early 1990s jointly adopted several pieces of legislation, including the law «On languages in the Ukrainian SSR», which declared the Ukrainian language the state language; Declaration of State Sovereignty, without which the Act of Independence of Ukraine would not have been proclaimed; All-Ukrainian referendum, during which the President of independent Ukraine was elected. Conclusions. The destructive consequences of the government of pro-Russian politicians in Ukraine are the adoption of such laws as: «On ratification of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages»; «On the principles of state language policy», which intensified the division of the Ukrainian community and the state at the regional, linguistic and political and other levels. This contradicts the national interests of modern Ukraine, threatens its independence and the development of a model of language policy on a new institutional basis. To solve this problem, it is necessary to intensify the development of the outlined areas of research, to attract the attention of representatives of national democratic political forces, political scientists, legal scholars and policy makers. Keywords: national government; independent state; political networks; language policy models; new institutional framework.

초록·키워드 목차 오류제보하기 Since assuming the presidency on December 4, 2016, Mirziyoyev has been expediting firm language policy from 2018 to the present in order to further underpin Uzbek"s status as the national language. The Presidential Decree “On Measures to Radically Increase the Prestige and Status of the Uzbek Language as the State Language” and the Draft of “New Law on the State Language of Uzbekistan” were declared in 2019 and 2020 respectively. Upon the declaration, Uzbek politicians, artists, and lawyers who stay in line with the language policy of the Karimov’s government oppose Mirziyoyev"s measures. The Russian government, media, and experts articulate strong concerns to the Uzbek government. Consequently, the status of the Russian language in Uzbekistan matters in pros and cons on Mirziyoyev"s policy. The basic goal of language policy of the Mirziyoyev’s government is to develop Uzbek as the national language that all Uzbek can recognize and to effectively block the use of Russian. However, there has been no conflict among ethnic groups due to thirty-year language problems since the “Law on State Language of the Republic of Uzbekistan” enacted by the Karimov’s government in 1989. The current president is prompting his policy sturdily without considering the realistic status of the Uzbek language and the huge budget for developing the Uzbek language. It is questionable whether or not the language policy pursued by the Mirziyoev regime will be successful and his policy has other intentions. This study aims to reveal the goal of the new language policy under the Mirziyoyev regime by analyzing language policy theory and the realistic status of the Uzbek language. For this, based on the comprehension of the previous studies on the Uzbek language, theories of language policy are explored. Then, the linguistic status and level of the Uzbek language are analyzed with seeing Karimov’s language law through language policy theory. Finally, the realistic linguistic status of the language and the goal of Mirziyoyev’s new language policy are scrutinized. I. 들어가는 말II. 본론III. 맺는말참고문헌Abstract

The Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania has established the highest official status of a language, i.e. a state language. Compliance with this status requires an appropriate legal framework and institutions that develop and enforce language policy and legislation.
 The article reviews the development of the status of the Lithuanian language from 1918 to the present day, and presents the institutions that supervise the use and correctness of the language.
 The article describes the legal regulation of the official language in Lithuania. It reviews the legal acts that establish the requirements for the correctness and use of the language, and presents a hierarchical system of the related legal acts. The institutions responsible for language policy and protection are described.

The article is devoted to the formation and evolution of an independent language policy in the new post-Soviet sovereign states, each of which, despite similar processes, has its own specifics, due to both internal and external factors. The author focuses on the language policy in the Republic of Moldova, as stated in the language legislation, as well as on the extraordinary collisions that have arisen and are arising in dealing with language issues in this multi-ethnic republic during the 30 years of its independence. Since there are no special comprehensive studies on this topic at present, the article is an important attempt to give an analytical overview of language policy in the Republic of Moldova with relevant sociolinguistic comments on the documents forming its legal sphere, as well as taking into account the specifics of such regions as the unrecognized Transnistrian Moldovan Republic and the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauz-Yeri. The article introduces the latest documents and materials on language policy of Moldova for the first time. The logic of the article structure enables to present the three key directions of language policy in the republic in a consistent and sufficiently detailed manner: language policy regarding the state language, with regard to the Romanian influence on it; policy regarding the Russian language as a popular means of inter- ethnic communication with a sufficient index of sustainability and its status; and policy regarding the languages of ethnic minorities that have long lived in the Moldovan region. The article gives a holistic view not only of the documents, but also of the motives, circumstances and processes of their adoption, as well as the consequences of each new step in the language policy promotion in the Republic of Moldova.

In this article are discussed about the scientific assessments of the author by the policy of the language in Uzbekistan during the period of independence. According to the estimation of the experts that today there are about seven thousand languages in the world. Each of these languages is existence of particular nation or tribe, unbending throne of their eternal happiness which consists of their unity and integrity, a sketch of disciple of completely different thought and interpretation, a consistent perception of non-borrowing style. The nation or the people will live in this unimaginable world at the time from the diaper at the beginning of their life, to the white skull at the end of their life. The first-end luminary of untroubled and honorary way to acknowledge the person, the universe, and the God, is the language. The sense of identity of themselves in the world and the sense of protecting the dignity and liberty of their people, are stable due to the language. The truth which the mother tongue is the base of the human mental and spiritual-psychic world, is admitted by all of whom are at the forefront. In short, today there are so many different mental and spiritual bases in the human mindset. Naturally, in multinational countries, especially, there is a serious need for national politics, in particular its indirect component- the language policies. Obviously, it is difficult to solve the national issue at all levels without the normal language policy. That's why; every country has its own language policy irrespective of its huge and small. Language policy is a system of political, legal and administrative regulation of language issues in the country and the society, the complex of ideological principles and formal and practical measures by solving language problems, mechanisms of planned impact on the linguistic situation in the country. Keywords: language, language policy, state language, public-political lexicon,socio-political lexicon, meaning.

This thesis provides an assessment of language policy (Spolsky, 2004) in Alicante, one of three provinces in the Valencian Community in the south east of Spain. The Valencian Community was founded in 1982 during Spain’s transition to democracy. Its Statute of Autonomy (Corts Valencianes, 1982), which was created in the same year, declares Castilian (the language of the state) and Valencian (a geographic variety of Catalan) as co-official in the autonomous community. Prior to this, Franco’s regime (1939-1975) had prohibited the public use of regional varieties such as Valencian. Yet, whilst the two languages now share equal official status, there is disparity between official language statements and de facto language policy (Shohamy, 2006). This project contributes to the growing research areas of language policy and language revitalisation. The findings of this study are positioned in the context of Catalan-speaking territories, Spain, and the wider European setting. This thesis provides a localised view of language policy in Alicante and uncovers the complexity of the current sociolinguistic setting. In order to present such a nuanced view of local language policy, this project draws upon qualitative and quantitative data collected during the administration of fieldwork questionnaires in 2014 in the towns of Sant Vicent del Raspeig and La Vila Joiosa. Both towns are in the province of Alicante; Sant Vicent del Raspeig is in the comarca (county) of L’Alacanti whilst La Vila Joiosa is in La Marina Baixa. This thesis examines a number of themes that emerged from the data, including the evolution of the composition of linguistic repertoires and the perception and construction of Valencian identities. This project also discusses the closure of the Valencian public broadcaster Radio Televisio Valenciana (RTVV) and examines how external factors, in addition to internal components, contribute to language policy. Data revealed that there is not one clearly identifiable language policy in Alicante; rather multiple layers of language practices, language management and language beliefs operate and intersect at various levels to contribute to a complex local language policy. This complexity is due in part to the social, linguistic, cultural and historical change experienced since the transition to democracy. Of particular significance is the increased access to Valencian which has resulted from the introduction of language legislation and the inclusion of Valencian in the education system (Blas Arroyo, 2002). As such, more language users are able to acquire standard Valencian, and its surrounding ideologies (Milroy, 2001; 2007), and also literacy. Consequently, language policy continues to evolve to reflect such changes as more language users are exposed to Valencian. However, data suggest that previous conditions and consolidated ideologies inherited from the past also continue to be influential and contribute to current language policy. This range of language practices, management and beliefs informs a complex and dynamic language policy. This project presents the case of language policy in Alicante and contributes to current research in Hispanic Studies and Sociolinguistics. The findings of this study further our understanding of language policy and its development in response to changing sociolinguistic conditions, such as increased access to minority languages in the present European context as a result of language revitalisation efforts. The findings presented here should encourage further research and debate, not only in the context of Spain, but also in other European contexts where a minority language has undergone language revitalisation, which has resulted in a change to traditional sociolinguistic order.

It is estimated that in a few years, 1.5 billion people – a quarter of the total world population – will speak English. And majority will speak a second or third language (only for 400000000 English becomes in their native language). Three quarters of world correspondence and 80 % of e-mail on the Internet are now in English. However, the study of one language does not take place at the expense of another national, regional or minority language, which are equally important in the conditions of development and enrichment. The article highlights the peculiarities of introducing language policy trends of the European Union and the Council of Europe in globalization context at maintaining and protecting European linguistic diversity, not only acquiring the English language as linguafranca in international communication. The Council of Europe and the European Union emphasize the importance of linguistic diversity and plurilingual skills at all levels of education, and the mass media should be the source of informal language learning via entertaining and educational programs and movies with subtitles. The media are important for shaping people's attitudes towards other languages and cultures. The documents of the European Union and the Council of Europe determine that the media should provide people who do not speak many languages with new technologies and translation In a globalized world, cultural diversity will become even more important as means of preserving human values. Learning a language means learning how to get closer to others. Learning a foreign language means equipping oneself with intellectual means to meet the real and the unknown, personal enrichment for knowing other cultures and their worldview. Therefore, the fundamental principles of the European Union and the Council of Europe in the field of language policy are the preservation and protection of European diversity, which should lead not only to the acquisition of English, but also to other European and world languages by all the inhabitants of Europe, simultaneously studying different regional languages.

Open letter to the Society for Neuroscience

The purpose of this paper is to explore the link between national language policy and practice in Irish-medium schools,which are known in Irish Gaelic as Gaelscoileanna. The paper provides an overview of the state's language policy since 1922to promote Irish by using the schools as the primary vehicle for policy implementation. Based on a recent study, the paper describes various changes in the Gaelscoileanna movement over time, including the students' linguistic profile, pupil to teacher ratio, available teaching aids and textbooks in Irish, and teachers' belief regarding the potential impact of the schools on language revival efforts. Findings from the study reveal a mismatch between national language policy and educational supports necessary for schools to most effectively implement their curriculum. They also reveal teachers' skepticism that schools can impact on Irish revival. This finding is relevant given the current directions being taken in Irish language policy.

The present article is devoted to important questions of implementation of the language policy of the Russian Federation both inside and outside of Russia, particularly in the post-soviet countries. The relevance of the study is due to the Federal Law “On Amendments to the Federal Law “On the State Language of the Russian Federation” that came into force on February 28, 2023 The work formulates the problems of implementing the state language policy in a number of Moscow universities and discusses ways to solve them. As a result of summarizing empirical experience the article makes the conclusion that at present the Russian language in its state capacity can be taught to the citizens of the Russian Federation in the “Stylistics” block of the “Russian Language and Culture of Speech” course. In turn, the tasks now facing teachers go beyond teaching students to read documents; the discipline is evolving towards national selfidentification by native speakers. Also the authors raise again the issue that the linguistic definition of “state language” is underdeveloped. The work summarizes the experience of a number of Moscow universities in developing the export of education abroad.