Liminal legality and delayed citizenship

Clinician Perspectives on Ethics and COVID-19: Minding the Gap in Sexual and Reproductive Health.

Acknowledgments Introduction Democracy and Party Competition Part I. Theory, Party Systems and the Procedural Quality of Post-Communist Democracy: 1. Historical legacies and strategies of democratization: pathways toward post-communist polities 2. The quality of post-communist democracy: patterns of party competition, interest representation and governance Part II. Setting and Research Strategy: 3. From communist rule to democracy: four central and East European countries 4. Empirical research strategy Part III. The Structuring of Party Competition: 5. Programmatic citizen-elite linkage strategies across post-communist polities 6. Linkage strategies within party systems: diversity among parties Part IV. Political Alignments and Dimensions of Competition: 7. Political divides and alignments: the politicians 8. Electoral constituency alignments: emerging political cleavages? Part V. Political Representation and the Quality of Democratic Governance: 9. Political representation 10. The governability of post-communist democracies: collation politics between passions and policy interests Part VI. Conclusion: 11. The diversity of post-communist democratic governance Appendices Bibliography.

Since the 1990s gender has become a prominent priority in global education policy. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs, 2000–2015) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs, which replaced the MDGs) influence the educational planning of most low- and middle-income countries, along with the work of the various actors in the field. The historical antecedents to this era of gender and education policy include international development research beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, the Women’s Conferences in Mexico City (1985) and Beijing (1995), and increasingly nuanced academic research on gender and international development in the early decades of the 2000s. What began as calls to include girls in schooling and women in international development programs has become a much more complex attempt to ensure gender equity in education and in life. A wide variety of key policy actors are involved in these processes and in shaping policy, including the World Bank, the UN agencies (primarily UNICEF and UNESCO), governments (both donors and recipients of international assistance), nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), corporations and private entities, and consultants. Partnerships among various actors have been common in the late 20th century and early 21st century. Persistent issues in the early 21st century include (a) the tension between striving to attend to quality concerns while increasing efforts to measure progress, (b) gender-based violence (GBV), and (c) education for adolescents and adolescence. These challenges are closely linked to how key concepts are conceptualized. How “gender” is understood (distinct from or conflated with sex categories) leads to particular ways of thinking about policy and practice, from counting girls and boys in classrooms (prioritizing sex categories and numerical patterns), toward a more complex understanding of gender as a social construction (and so presents options for curricular strategies to influence gendered social norms). Men and boys are acknowledged, mostly when they are perceived to be disadvantaged, and less often to challenge hypermasculinity or male privilege. Sexuality and gender identity are just beginning to emerge in formal policy in the early 21st century. Gender relations and patriarchy remain on the periphery of official policy language. Equity (fairness) is often reduced to equality (equal treatment despite differences in needs or interests). Although empowerment is theorized in research, in policy it is used inconsistently, sometimes falling short of the theoretical framings. Two broader concepts are also important to consider in global education policy, namely, intersectionality and neoliberalism. Engaging intersectionality more robustly could make policy more relevant locally; as of 2020, this concept has not made its way into global policy discourses. Neoliberalism, on the other hand, is a strong influence in shaping policy in gender and education globally, yet it is seldom made explicit. Building policy on a stronger conceptual foundation would enrich gender and education policy.

The article analyzes the opinions and civil positions of students of the Rostov region universities in the context of a Special Military Operation and a destructive ideological war of the collective West against the Russian Federation. Based on the materials of the focus group and essays of the Don students in October – November 2022 (8 groups) and in April 2024 (6 groups, 203 essays), the life-forming factors of student youth are described: life, peace, humanism, family and immediate environment, collectivism and mutual assistance, historical memory, small homeland, patriotism. The events and factors that influenced the moral and social state of the Don students are identified: confrontation with existential problems of war and peace, life and death; uncertainty of the future in the context of the inevitability of a Special Military Operation, cultural isolation of Russia, geopolitical risks and transformation of the world order. In the face of an existential choice, there is a rethinking of the value of family, an increase in the role of the immediate circle and small homeland. A targeted state policy of memory, glorification and memorization of the Special Military Operation participants creates the ground for an increase in the role of historical memory, the values of patriotism and citizenship, trust in the authorities and approval of political decisions. The perception of Western values becomes more critical; the severity of anxiety about the cultural, economic, political isolation of Russia is erased. The hypothesis about the existence of two models of citizenship of Russian students was confirmed: a) the first (civic consciousness as public-state patriotism) is associated with factors of sociocentrism, where there is an identity with one's family, ethnic group, small homeland, and civic identity with the Russian state is strengthened, associated with a sense of duty, responsibility and obligation to it; b) the second (global citizenship) is based on the principles of anthropocentrism with guarantees of observance of constitutional rights and freedoms, humanistic values and global citizenship, but without the individual's obligations to the state.

By whatever nomenclature it is commonly known, royal commission, commission of inquiry, public inquiry or tribunal of inquiry, this type of body is frequently utilised in societies based upon the Westminster system of government. Commissions are appointed to assist government in governing, to determine the facts of a particular situation or inform and advise government or parliament upon the formulation of policy. To facilitate these roles, commissions are often endowed with extensive coercive powers and fundamental rights are abrogated. The aim of this thesis is to determine whether the common law, the relevant legislative provisions and the practices adopted by commissions provide a sufficient balance between the interests of state and person. Arguably the present legislative schemes endorse interference with basic rights of the individual which are highly valued in a democratic society based upon the common law system of justice—for example the right to liberty, the right to the due administration of justice and the right to privacy. Upon several occasions law reform bodies have conducted extensive reviews of the roles of commissions advocating greater rights to the individual. Interestingly though, other than in Tasmania, these recommendations have not been embraced by government other than to increase the power of the royal commission. If governmental control of the individual is to be increased then it is necessary that it be appropriately controlled. The review which has been undertaken in this thesis incorporates a number of recommendations to amend the current inquiry acts to ensure an effective balance between the role of commissions in the common law system and the rights of individual.

‘Global citizenship’ has gained traction as a policy objective across school systems in recent decades. It has been defined as education for the development of a sense of cosmopolitan moral virtue, planetary identification and ‘global competencies’. In this paper, I argue that historical sociology can help explain why this goal has gained prominence in citizenship education policy since the late twentieth century. Focussing on the Australian case, I propose an analytical model where changes in citizenship education policy for schools are articulated to concurrent transformations of nation-state citizenship within a shifting international conjuncture. This approach reveals that the rise of neoliberal statecraft and the diffusion of human rights discourses since the 1970s are pertinent analytical coordinates to make sense of the growing presence of global citizenship within government policy agendas for schools. The Australian case illustrates the relevance of historical sociology to make sense of contemporary education policy.

Socialist constitutions very much looked like their Western counterparts: a written document on the top of the legal hierarchy with state principles, rules on state organisation and basic rights. Despite the similar appearance, in content they were fundamentally different from liberal documents. The most important difference was the compulsory ideology and its guardian, the Communist Party (CP). Elections did not function to award a political choice but to legitimise the rule of the CP. The ideology required the subordination of the state and its law, including the constitution, under the tutelage of the CP. Formally relying on Rousseau, socialist constitutionalism rejected all checks and balances, advocating a ‘socialist division of labour’ among state organs. The hyper-centralised ‘monolithic’ state did not accept any separation of powers, neither horizontal nor vertical. Basic rights were interpreted as granted by the state and could be exercised only in a way the CP accepted.When socialism ended, most states wanted to establish a liberal democracy, true human rights and freedoms, a market economy, and a rule of law. This required a shift from socialist to liberal constitutionalism. The most important change was the abolition of the compulsory ideology and the acceptance of political pluralism. This entailed a new quality of individual political rights and freedoms such as the liberty to form or join parties. The socialist state had to be decentralised by, inter alia, the introduction of a separation of powers and checks and balances, and by restoring local and other autonomy. Replacing a planned by a market economy required a new quality of individual economic and social rights as well as a re-definition of the economic role of the state. Finally, constitutional rights had to be re-defined as a true empowerment of the individual. These changes were essential for the creation of the rule of law.

Thomas Aquinas’s notion on law, tyranny and resistance served as a limitation on governmental powers. When those who bear the law command things which exceed the competence of such authority, the subject is free to obey or disobey. The function of the law culminates in two maxims: quantum ad vim coactivam legis and quantum ad vim directivam. With regard to the former, the prince is above the law (legibus solutus).It implies the principle of Salus reipublicae suprema lex, which means that the safety of the state is the supreme law. According to this principle property, liberty and life (basic individual rights) are subordinate to or even sacrificed for the supposed public good. With regard to the latter, the prince’s power should be subject to the law. The vis directivalimits the authority of the prince. This principle is in accordance with the rule of law. This notion is concomitant with the constitutional principles entrenched in the Constitution of South Africa, Act 108 of 1996. The idea of the Constitution is also bolstered by the entrenchment of the rule of law. The purpose of the rule of law is to protect basic individual rights. Hereafter the rule of law requires the prince or state to act in accordancewith the law. It also means that the prince or branches of state must obey the law. If the prince or state acts without legal authority, it is acting lawlessly, which is against the notion of a constitutional democracy.

This scientific paper aims to examine the phenomenon of the discovery of human cages in Langkat Regency from the perspective of Legal Positivism and Human Rights (HR). The case originated from the revelation of modern slavery practices linked to corruption allegations involving the Regent of Langkat for the 2019–2024 period, Terbit Rencana Perangin Angin. This research employs a normative juridical method with a case study approach, analysing the gap between actual practices and Indonesia’s positive law, particularly Law Number 35 of 2009 on Narcotics and Minister of Social Affairs Regulation Number 9 of 2017. The analysis focuses on how regulations intended to protect individual rights were disregarded through unlawful detention and exploitation. Moreover, the human rights analysis applies Immanuel Kant’s theory, highlighting violations of autonomy, human dignity, and universal moral principles, in which victims were treated merely as means rather than as ends in themselves. The findings reveal that the existence of human cages in Langkat constitutes a blatant form of abuse of power, violating both positive law and humanitarian values. This violation is not only classified as a criminal offence but also as a crime against humanity. The study concludes that the Langkat case reflects the weakness of law enforcement and oversight mechanisms concerning human rights violations in Indonesia. It emphasises the urgency of policy reform and the implementation of a human rights-based legal approach to prevent similar occurrences in the future.

Possible directions of transformation of the state policy in the field of education of nurses in a narrow issue of end-of-life nursing care in the context of the UN Sustainable Development Goals are identified. The 70th UN General Assembly where civic society organizations actively participated adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development as part of the Summit on Sustainable Development in September 2015, which included 17 Global Sustainable Development Goals. Global Goal 4.7 stated: «By 2030 ensure all learners acquire knowledge and skills needed to promote sustainable development, including among others through education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles, human rights, gender equality, promotion of a culture of peace and non-violence, global citizenship, and appreciation of cultural diversity and of culture’s contribution to sustainable development». This Goal also applies to medical education (in particular, for nurses). The improvement of the content of this education is actual in the context of the implementation of medical reform in Ukraine. A content analysis of the international curriculum for nurses and its comparison with teaching documents implemented in medical colleges in Ukraine has been made. The program developed in the United States with active participation of civil society organisations has been found to be consistent with UN Sustainable Development Goal 4.7. Comparing these documents, we can easily see Ukrainian curricula inconsistency with both international standards of nursing training and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. These curricula form only a generalized understanding of the value of cultural diversity and human rights and do not include issues of social justice, inclusion, multidisciplinary cooperation etc. A content analysis of the Strategy for the Development of Medical Education in Ukraine, approved by the Order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of 27th February, 2019, № 95-r, revealed that the document does not provide for the inclusion of aspects set out in Global Goal 4.7. Participation of citizens in development of national educational policy is the obligatory precondition for forming of the democratic society and encourages better compliance of educational programs with the needs of the population. It is argued that in the context of medical reform, it is necessary to change the approach to the content of medical education and the formation of the competence of nurses, in particular, in the field of end-of-life care in undergraduate education. Cross-sectoral and multidisciplinary cooperation is needed to develop quality training programs for nurses in line with international standards; this could be done in particular by involving civil society institutions in the process.

Deploying Health Campaign Strategies to Defend Against Social Engineering Threats

Wealth distribution in Islam plays a crucial role in achieving social justice and equitable welfare. The wealth distribution policies implemented by Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) encompass principles of justice, humanity, and solidarity, with the aim of reducing social inequality and strengthening the economy of the ummah. Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) emphasized the importance of zakat, alms, charity, and waqf as primary instruments for distributing wealth, not only to meet the basic needs of the poor but also to empower them through more sustainable programs. The eight categories of zakat recipients (fakir, miskin, amil, muallaf, slave, gharimin, fisabilillah, and ibnu sabil) reflect Islam's concern for fulfilling the basic rights of individuals and ensuring fair wealth distribution. In Indonesia, the application of the wealth distribution principles taught by Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) remains relevant in addressing issues of poverty, social inequality, and community-based economic development. The management of zakat and waqf by institutions such as BAZNAS and the Indonesian Waqf Board (BWI) has made significant progress in utilizing these resources for economic empowerment and poverty alleviation. This article aims to examine the wealth distribution policies of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and analyze their relevance and challenges in the context of Indonesia today. The research findings indicate that the implementation of Islamic wealth distribution principles in Indonesia has the potential to strengthen social solidarity, reduce economic inequality, and build a more just and prosperous society.

Achieving adequate, healthy and nutritious food is emphasized as one of the basic rights of individuals in society in all the world countries. In this regard, the agricultural sector is committed to approach the necessary capability in establishing food security and self-reliance on basic products. Soil is very important as a basic source and bed of production, so that food safety mainly depends on soil security and to enlighten thoughts. Due to climate changes, lack of organic matters, and soil conditions, soil fertility management and nutrition of wheat plant are important. To this aim, knowing information about the soils and providing required nutrients could help to approach desired levels of wheat production in quantity and quality. Instead of chemical fertilizers, biological fertilizers have been seen useful for approaching the purposes. However, lack of enough information besides negative sights of view by the farmers are those the most important limiting factors. Therefore, investigating various aspects of biological fertilizers is very important for reaching a point of optimum usage of biological fertilizers for sustainable agricultural systems especially for the wheat production.

ABSTRACT: The areas of conflict relating to the freedom of religion and women’s rights do not affect the majority of Muslims who practice their religion in Germany and, in the process, they do not clash with the constitutional state. This is also not a matter having to do with those theologians who take their justification for comprehensive religious freedom and equal rights for women from the Koran and, respectively, other normative sources of Islam. Rather, it has to do with those influential scholars who interpret the norms and commands of Islam in such a way that conflicts arise with the laws of a secular constitutional state. These scholars defend the view that the laws of the Sharia are prior to the norms of the secular constitutional state and are obligatory for all Muslims. At the present moment, the question of freedom of religion could be virtually understood as a topic which, in largely secularized Europe and for the religiously neutral state, possesses little relevance. To what extent do inner-Islamic standpoints interest the constitutional state on the question of religious freedom? For the constitutional state, it does not concern itself with the question of evaluating a religion and its doctrinal content. This also applies with respect to Islam. There, however, where actions are justified by religious convictions, or where they follow from them or are declared to be mandatory by influential religious opinion leaders, and where these actions infringe upon established law or limit the basic rights of individuals, the state and its representatives have to concern themselves with these convictions, independent of whether these convictions are of a religious, political, or of a religious and political nature. KEYWORDS: Germany, Islam, freedom of religion, women’s rights, the constitutional state, conflicts

This article considers the recent literature concerned with establishing an international prohibition on autonomous weapon systems. It seeks to address concerns expressed by some scholars that such a ban might be problematic for various reasons. It argues in favour of a theoretical foundation for such a ban based on human rights and humanitarian principles that are not only moral, but also legal ones. In particular, an implicit requirement for human judgement can be found in international humanitarian law governing armed conflict. Indeed, this requirement is implicit in the principles of distinction, proportionality, and military necessity that are found in international treaties, such as the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and firmly established in international customary law. Similar principles are also implicit in international human rights law, which ensures certain human rights for all people, regardless of national origins or local laws, at all times. I argue that the human rights to life and due process, and the limited conditions under which they can be overridden, imply a specific duty with respect to a broad range of automated and autonomous technologies. In particular, there is a duty upon individuals and states in peacetime, as well as combatants, military organizations, and states in armed conflict situations, not to delegate to a machine or automated process the authority or capability to initiate the use of lethal force independently of human determinations of its moral and legal legitimacy in each and every case. I argue that it would be beneficial to establish this duty as an international norm, and express this with a treaty, before the emergence of a broad range of automated and autonomous weapons systems begin to appear that are likely to pose grave threats to the basic rights of individuals.