Maturing Australia through Australian Aboriginal Narrative Law

Summary The present report, submitted pursuant to Commission on Human Rights resolution 1993/2 A and Human Rights Council resolution 5/1, is primarily based on interviews and briefings held with victims, civil society representatives, human rights defenders, and Palestinian officials, among others, in Amman and Cairo in September 2014. The Special Rapporteur made every effort to contact Palestinian victims and witnesses via video and teleconference. In the report, he addresses a number of concerns pertaining to the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and in particular, on their impact on children.

The chapter presents the situation of Rohingya and other Muslims in Myanmar and shows the severity and scale of human rights violations affecting them. The Rohingya were described by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar as the ‘most vulnerable and marginalised group’ in the country. The chapter addresses the government’s participation and failure to intervene in instances of serious human rights violations. Furthermore, root causes for the Rohingya’s marginalisation and vulnerability are discussed, such as the discriminatory denial of their citizenship based on ethnicity as well as hate speech and incitement to violence.

Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro: giving a voice to children

Indigenous Peoples in Eritrea, 2019

In the 20 years following the enactment of the Welfare Ordinance 1953 (NT), Australia was pressured by criticism both within Australia, and internationally, to remove racial discrimination from its state and federal statutes and grant equal legal status to Aboriginal people throughout the country (Chesterman, 2005). The enactment of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) signalled symbolically, if not practically, the end of the assimilation era. After 1975, and especially between 1990 and 2007,1 Australian law occasionally and unsystematically recognized the distinct rights of Indigenous Australians. The introduction of the Racial Discrimination Act and the development of the land rights movement focused attention on questions of sovereignty and dispossession, questions increasingly raised by Australian Indigenous peoples, both Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders. Self-determination replaced assimilation as the policy framework from the 1970s and the maintenance of cultural integrity became a key aspiration associated with the policy (McHugh, 2004, p. 341). In 1987, a Royal Commission was appointed to investigate the deaths of 99 Aboriginal people who had died in custody from 1980 to 1989. The Commission found that ‘facts associated in every case with their Aboriginality played a significant and in most cases dominant role in their being in custody and dying in custody’ (Johnston, 1991, p. 1).

Dass ein Genozid unbedingt verhindert werden muss, zur Not mit militärischer Gewalt, ist in westlichen Demokratien die wohlbegründete Mehrheitsmeinung. Aus dieser Entschlossenheit ergeben sich allerdings eine Reihe von Dilemmata: 1. Das Militär, für Kriseninterventionen ausgestattet, verwandelt sich leicht in ein Mittel für alle möglichen Probleme, zu deren Lösung es nicht befähigt ist. 2. Die Schwierigkeit, das Militär in ein demokratisches Umfeld einzugliedern, steigt noch, wenn der „Kämpfer“ und nicht der „Heimatverteidiger“, das Leitbild des Soldaten bestimmt. 3. Die Maxime, im Einsatzfall den Schutz der eigenen Soldaten zu optimieren, führt zur Investition in militärische Hochtechnologien, die zwar das Todesrisiko der Soldaten reduzieren, jedoch die Bereitwilligkeit der Politiker erhöhen, Militäreinsätze zu befürworten. 4. Zugleich vermindert die Hochtechnisierung des westlichen Militärapparates die Sicherheit möglicher „Zielstaaten“, die dann ihrerseits mit asymmetrischen Strategien reagieren, etwa dem Streben nach Massenvernichtungswaffen. — Die unterschiedliche Bewertung der aktuellen Bedrohungen in den westlichen Staaten, v.a. zwischen den USA und einigen europäischen Ländern, stellt die Regierungen vor die schwierige Entscheidung, sich entweder dem amerikanischen Willen unter Preisgabe der eigenen Werte zu unterwerfen oder den Bruch der Allianz zu riskieren. Für all die genannten Dilemmata gibt es nur begrenzte Notbehelfe.

Blood Narrative: Indigenous Identity in American Indian and Maori Literary and Activist Texts. Chadwick Allen. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002. + 308 pp., notes, bibliography, index.The Cunning of Recognition: Indigenous Alterities and the Making of Australian Multiculturalism. Elizabeth A. Povinelli. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002. xi. 338 pp., photographs, figures, notes, bibliography, index.Wiping the War Paint off the Lens: Native American Film and Video. Beverly R. Singer. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001. xvi +110 pp., foreword by Robert Warrior, photographs, notes, index.

Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in the Palestinian Territories Occupied since 1967, Richard Falk (Sep. 13, 2011)

The Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Burundi has called on the international community to exert the greatest possible pressure on belligerents there to put an end to spiralling violence.

Co-production of Indigenous Knowledge Systems with Western science is increasingly recognised as an important component of education and research. When done correctly, it draws on the strengths of the respective knowledge systems, ensures Indigenous data sovereignty, empowers communities, supports reconciliation, and fosters mutual respect. However, despite these clear benefits and alignment with the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, few examples, guidance, or frameworks exist, especially in the context of science education. Here, we illustrate how co-designing and co-teaching courses can effectively enhance knowledge systems. We show that students value the weaving of Indigenous Knowledge with science, both within (Westernised) academic settings and during place-based experiential learning. It can deepen connections to Indigenous ways of knowing and provides a source of healing as co-production studies are re-connections to Indigenous history and identity. We conclude by addressing some of the challenges faced and provide some actionable solutions for the global effort needed to decolonise and Indigenise both research and education.

The tendencies of morality and religion interconnection and their further development in the period of globalization and informatization of modern society based on the philosophical and religious analysis of morality and religion is considered in the article. The author argues that morality serves as a social culture of coexistence organization and as an internal regulator and personal judge of individual deeds, internal law of action in terms of good and evil. But it is also an attempt to achieve freedom, because very often is powerless before the nonfree world. In light of this problem, freedom is possibility of choices, but a choice is a quality of that person who has freedom. In fact, author is considering that a person thinks about proposed behavioral patterns. Morality is associated with such a quality of person, as spirituality, which is now divided into secular and religious. The article draws attention to their features. Attention is drawn to the fact that it is not appropriate to oppose the morality of believers and unbelievers. Psychologists, sociologists, experts on ethics researches show that is not directly proportional relation between person’s attitude to religion and his behavior in society. Formal religion will not keep unstable personality from immoral acts. No religion and no church is unable to resist temptation, injustice, aggression that are a product of real contradictions of social life. The era of globalization has brought radical changes: a huge number of new developments, borrowed cultural values and value systems, philosophical and pseudo-philosophical concepts appeared in the community. This leads to the fact that more and more people are trying to live their minds, changing our country’s traditional Christian values to something else.

Colonial education systems in the Pacific were designed to reshape Indigenous identities, restructure social systems, and replace local epistemologies with Western worldviews. These legacies continue to influence contemporary schooling, where Eurocentric curricula, English-dominant language policies, and non-relational pedagogies often marginalise Indigenous knowledge, culture, and authority. This paper examines the shift from colonial schooling to decolonial futures in Pacific Island nations, arguing that meaningful transformation requires dismantling entrenched colonial logics embedded in curriculum, governance, assessment, and teacher preparation. Drawing on decolonial theory, Indigenous Pacific epistemologies, and contemporary regional research, the paper explores how movements for language revitalisation, cultural resurgence, and Indigenous-led education governance are reshaping possibilities for future generations. It highlights emerging practices, including vanua- and vā-centred pedagogies, immersion language programs, land-based learning, and Indigenous community co-governance, that offer pathways toward epistemic justice and culturally grounded education systems. By tracing both historical impacts and contemporary innovations, this study proposes a decolonial education framework that positions Pacific knowledge systems, linguistic diversity, and relational ontologies at the centre of educational transformation. The findings argue that decolonial education is essential not only for restoring cultural continuity and Indigenous sovereignty but also for building resilient, future-ready education systems capable of supporting Pacific nations in the 21st century and beyond.

In New Caledonia, where a referendum deciding on independence will be held by 2018, processes of state territorialization and neoliberalization have led to an economic and social imbalance between the poorer, largely Kanak-populated North Province and the wealthier, mostly European-populated South Province. As a result of historically and clearly articulated definitions of a coherent indigenous Kanak identity, however, the Kanak independence movement has been able to tie its sovereignty expectations to the development of the mining industry in the north. I argue that unequal processes of state territorialization and the neoliberal, decolonizing state have influenced the outcomes of the local mining industry, resulting in different expectations for the future in the two regions. In the North, the Koniambo nickel project is advancing Kanak sovereignty development, while, in the south, Vale’s mining project and its pact of corporate social responsibility and social development with the southern Kanak communities is indirectly strengthening French power as well as co-opting Kanak protests. This essay reviews how both mining projects work as what James Ferguson has called the “anti-politics machine” of development, hiding the roots of the inequality and poverty experienced by people aspiring to recognition and freedom and leaving little space for alternative imaginaries of future (1994).

Religion, as a critical component in both personal value system and wider institutional order, is relatively under-investigated in strategic management. Drawing on institutional complexity and Weber’s classical thinking, we propose that firms with religious top executives are embedded in the tension of religion, market, and state logic, which further shapes their conflicting interpretations of external institutional pressures and variation in practicing CSR. Based on a matched two-year survey of firms across multiple industries and regions, we find that religious CEOs perceive lower normative pressure from industry peers but higher coercive pressure from the government, which mediate the different effects of CEO religiosity on corporate social responsibilities (CSR). Furthermore, we find that when firms are positioned in the hub of a business ecosystem, both the negative effect of religious belief on normative pressure and positive effect on coercive pressure becomes weaker; when firms are located in the environment with high regional marketization, only the negative effect of religious belief on normative pressure becomes weaker. We contribute by uncovering a more complicated but nuanced mechanisms through which CEO religiosity affect CSR and revealing the double-edged nature of business embeddedness with religious categories.

This experiential Indigenous knowledge project explores the sacred role of water (ᎠᎹ) in Native American traditions, emphasizing its significance in nonviolence education, cultural identity, and ancestral connection. Through direct engagement with water in natural settings, the study delves into the lessons of healing, reciprocity, bravery, respect, and honor that water imparts. By reflecting on personal experiences, dreams, and journal entries, the project illustrates how Indigenous knowledge systems can foster resiliency and advocacy, particularly in educational spaces serving Native students. The findings highlight water as a teacher and companion, bridging historical wisdom with contemporary Indigenous identity and sovereignty. The writing emphasizes the importance of integrating Indigenous knowledge into education to promote cultural inclusivity and nonviolent pedagogy.