Mexico

Acknowledgements Foreword: The Chicano Movement: Does Anyone Care about What Happened 40 Years Ago? Jorge Mariscal Introduction: The Chicano Movement and Chicano Historiography Mario T. Garcia Part One: Community Struggles 1. All I Want is that He Be Punished: Border Patrol Violence, Women's Voices and Chicano Activism in Early 1970s San Diego Jimmy Patino 2. Reinscribing the Voices of La Gente in the Narrative of the Chicano Movement Lorena V. Marquez 3. Hoo-ray Gonzales! Civil Rights Protest and Chicano Politics in Bakersfield, 1965-1974 Oliver Rosales 4. Alicia Escalante, The Chicana Welfare Rights Organization, and the Chicano Movement Rosie Bermudez 5. Chicana/o Movement Grassroots Leftists and Radical Electoral Politics in Los Angeles, 1970-1980 Jose G. Moreno 6. !Ya Basta! The Struggle for Justice and Equality: The Chicano Power Movement in Oxnard, California Luis H. Moreno Part Two: The Student Movement 7. The Ideological Struggle for Chicana/o Unity and Power: A Short History of California M.E.Ch.A. Gustavo Licon 8. Understanding the Role of Conflict, Factionalism, and Schism in the Development of the Chicano Student Movement: The Mexican American Student Association and La Vida Nueva at East Los Angeles College Marisol Moreno Part Three: Geographic Diversity and the Chicano Movement 9. San Antonio Chicano Organizers (SACO): Labor Activists and El Movimiento Max Krochmal 10. We Are a Distinct People: Defending Difference in Schools through the Chicano Movement in Michigan, 1966-1980 Nora Salas 11. Sin Fronteras: An Oral History of a Chicana Activist in Oregon during the Chicano Movement Norma Cardenas Contributor Biographies Index

In the 1970s of the 20th century, only random kidnaps occurred in Mexico, which were adopted by radicals as ways for political appeals. In the 80s, along with other Latin American countries, Mexico stumbled into economic crisis with huge debts, during which time economic kidnaps for ransoms started to appear. In the 90s, corruptions caused by new freedom reforms brought Mexico face to face with widening social wealth gap, income discrepancies and serious corruptions. With the majority of people trapped in financial difficulties, kidnaps for ransom became a criminal way to gain living resources. The kidnapping crime of Mexico has been increasingly rampant in recent years. The Anti-drug war launched by the Mexico Government at the end of 2006 also triggered the explosion of kidnapping cases. In August, 2008, the non-government peace organization Pax Christi, headquartered at Holland, formally announced that Mexico had become the country with the most serious kidnapping crimes in the world, which had dealt a heavy blow to the international image of Mexico. As a result, the government of Mexico started to formulate relative policies to deal with the kidnapping crimes. Based on the views from The Routine Activity Theory and The Rational Choice Theory of the Crime Theory, this thesis aims to look into the development of the kidnapping problem in Mexico and the primary cause for this worsening problem in recent years. In addition, this thesis will also investigate why Mexico became the hotbed of the kidnapping crime.

The joint meeting X International Congress of the Mexican Hydrogen Society (MHS) and IV International Congress of Rational and Efficient Use of Energy, was held in Toluca, Mexico, September 27 to October 1, 2010. This was an opportunity for the MHS to host scientific partners that promote the advancement to the hydrogen economy in North and South America. The meeting brought together over 250 delegates from Mexico, Colombia, Brazil, Argentina, USA, Canada, France, Spain and Venezuela. Besides hydrogen technologies, which were the main subject at the event, the meeting included other important topics such as renewables, biomass and biofuels. The joint meeting included 130 oral presentation and short communications. The technical poster session included 25 works presented by MSc and PhD students. The plenary lectures were delivered by Prof. Jeffrey A. Serfass (USA), General Manager of the Partnership for Advancing the Transition to Hydrogen – PATH; Prof. Juan Carlos Bolcich (Argentina), President of Argentinean Hydrogen Association, Member of the International Association for Hydrogen Energy; Prof. Suilma Marisela Fernandez Valverde (Mexico), Founder of the Mexican Hydrogen Society, Member of the International Association for Hydrogen Energy; Prof. Odon de Buen Rodriguez (Mexico), expert in areas of energy efficiency, renewable energy and environmental issues; Prof. Electo Eduardo Silva Lora (Brazil), Coordinator of the Universidade Federal de Itajuba (UNIFEI); Prof. Ernestina Torres Reyes (Mexico), President of the Mexican National Association of Solar Energy, Prof. Edgar Rene Rangel German (Colombia), Member of the Colombian National Hydrocarbons Commission. . This issue of the Journal of New Materials for Electrochemical Systems is a compilation of selected papers presented at the meeting. The MHS deeply thanks all authors and reviewers for making this work possible. We also extend special thanks to Prof. O. Savadogo for his important support to MHS throughout these years. The XI Congress of the MHS will take place in Cuernavaca, Mexico, September 21 to 23, 2011. Also, we wish to announce that the joint meeting 9th International Symposium on New Materials and Nano-Materials for Electrochemical Systems and XII International Congress of the Mexican Hydrogen Society will be held in Merida, Yucatan, Mexico, on July 2012. We look forward to seeing you at MHS events (www.smh2.mx).

The Second Mexican Empire under Emperor Maximilian I of Mexico marked a period of intense European intervention in the Americas. Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph of Austria, a member of the House of Habsburg, was first offered the Mexican crown by monarchists aligned with Napoleon III in 1859. He accepted in 1863 and moved to Mexico City the following year with his wife Carlota, the former Princess Charlotte of Belgium. The new Emperor of Mexico was not welcomed by Mexican President Benito Juarez, a liberal, and he faced opposition from conservative landowners. His brief and unstable regime came to an end in 1867 when he was captured by Republican forces and executed. Carlota had returned to Europe in 1866 to advocate for her husband's regime. She suffered a profound mental collapse and remained in Europe where she lived in seclusion, refusing to acknowledge Maximilian's death. She died in Belgium in 1927, having survived her husband by 60 years. The Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico collection includes approximately 400 letters exchanged by Maximilian and his consort the Empress Carlota. The letters commence during the couple's engagement and end shortly before Maximilian's execution in Queretaro, Mexico, in 1867, providing insight into the political situation in Mexico, the precariousness of the Empire under Maximilian, and controversies concerning the church, Mexican landowners, and the Juarez revolution.

North American freshwater runoff records have been used to support the case that climate flickers were caused by shutdowns of the ocean thermohaline circulation (THC) resulting from reversals of meltwater discharges. Inconsistencies in the documentation of these meltwater switches, however, continue to fuel the debate on the cause/s of the oscillatory nature of the deglacial climate. New oxygen and carbon isotope records from the northern Gulf of Mexico depict in exceptional detail the succession of meltwater floods and pauses through the southern routing during the interval 16 to 8.9 ka (14C years BP; ka, kiloannum). The records underscore the bimodal role played by the Gulf of Mexico as a destination of meltwater discharges from the receding Laurentide Ice Sheet. The evidence indicates that the Gulf of Mexico acted as the principal source of superfloods at 13.4, 12.6, and 11.9 ka that reached the North Atlantic and contributed significantly to density stratification, disruption of ocean ventilation, and cold reversals. Gulf of Mexico lapsed into a “relief valve” position in post-Younger Dryas time, when meltwater discharges were rerouted south at 9.9, 9.7, 9.4, and 9.1 ka, thus temporarily interrupting North Atlantic-bound freshwater discharges from Lake Agassiz. The history of meltwater events in the Gulf of Mexico contradicts the model that meltwater flow via the eastern outlets into the North Atlantic disrupted the ocean THC, causing cooling, while diversions to the Gulf of Mexico via the Mississippi River enhanced THC and warming.

El zapote mamey (Pouteria sapota H. E. Moore & Steam) es un frutal tropical nativo de Mexico con caracteristicas organolepticas y nutrimentales que son de interes comercial. El presente estudio tuvo como objetivo generar mapas de la distribucion geografica natural y eco-climatica donde se desarrolla el zapote mamey (Pouteria sapota H. E. Moore & Steam) en Mexico y modelar las zonas potenciales de acuerdo con el cambio climatico estimado para 2050. El modelo de distribucion natural mostro que esta especie se encuentra en la mayoria de las zonas tropicales y algunas subtropicales de Mexico. Esta especie se desarrolla en tres regiones eco-climaticas diferentes (dos tropicales y una subtropical) de climas: Aw (peninsula de Yucatan), Am (Golfo de Mexico) y A(C)(m) (norte del Golfo de Mexico y costa del Pacifico). El modelado de las zonas adecuadas de adaptacion climatica mostro que 15, de 32 entidades de Mexico, tienen potencial para cultivar zapote mamey; ademas, en el escenario de cambio climatico global, se pronostican efectos beneficos en la adaptacion de esta especie considerando la identificacion de al menos ochos estados mas con posibilidades favorables

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship of food insecurity to child growth among Mexican households, with at least one child between 1–6 years, living in California (CA) or Mexico (MX). From April to October of 2006, Spanish-speaking staff conducted interviews and weighed and measured children in a community-based sample of households from Ventura, CA (n= 100) and two sites in Guanajuato, MX (n=205). Based on the 8-item Children's Food Security scale, MX households reported higher levels of food insecurity, compared to CA households: food secure (MX 27%; CA 60%); low food secure (MX 56.5%; CA 36.8%); and very low food secure (MX 16.5%; CA 3.2%). Using analysis of variance, a significant interaction between country and food insecurity on body-mass index z-score (BAZ) was found. In the US sample, greater food insecurity was associated with higher BAZ, whereas no relationship between food insecurity and BAZ was observed in MX (F=8.96; p < 0.001). No interaction or main effect was observed on height-for-age z-score. Future studies should explore the food patterns in binational samples to understand the relationship of food insecurity to child growth. Funded by UCMEXUS, California Mexico Health Initiative

Chapter 1 Introduction Chapter 2 Dealing with the American Political System: An Historical Overview, 1910-1995 Chapter 3 Mexico's Foreign Policy after NAFTA: The Tools of Interdependence Chapter 4 Decentralized Diplomacy: The Role of Consular Offices in Mexico's Relations with its Diaspora Chapter 5 Foreign Policy Comes Home: The Domestic Consequences of the Program for Mexican Communities Living in Foreign Countries Chapter 6 The Rise of the Mexico Lobby in Washington: Even Further from God, and Even Closer to the United States Chapter 7 Selling Ideas, Buying Influence: Mexico and American Think Tanks in the Promotion of NAFTA Chapter 8 The Negotiations between the Mexican Government and the U.S. Financial Community: A New Interpretation Chapter 9 Discord in U.S.-Mexican Labor Relations and the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation Chapter 10 Mexico's New Foreign Policy: States, Societies, and Institutions

This article studies the international integration of Mexico and Colombia during the last fifteen years, their changes and continuities. We conclude that Mexico and Colombia are going through a transition. Mexico beats Colombia in indicators such as population, GDP, land area, natural resources, trade, investment and soft power. Unlike Mexico, Colombia increases its regional power and builds new alliances with countries like Brazil.

This study applies the System-Wide approach to demand estimation to U.S. tomato import data to obtain demand sensitivity measure (elasticities) estimates for this commodity. Using the Rotterdam model as a parametrization of the System-Wide approach, a demand model is estimated for monthly aggregated tomato imports from Mexico, Canada, and the rest of world; as well as the U.S. domestic tomato production. Significant estimates for income and own-price and cross-elasticities measures are found for tomatoes from all countries. All tomatoes are found to be own-price inelastic. U.S. and Mexico tomatoes are found to be expenditure elastic, while tomatoes from Canada and the rest of the world are found to be expenditure inelastic. This suggests a low sensitivity of demand for U.S. consumers with respect changes in tomato own-price, regardless of country of origin; while for the case of U.S. and Mexico demand will increase if U.S. tomato expenditure rises, and demand will decrease for Canada and rest of the world tomatoes if U.S. tomato expenditure rises. Additionally a variant of the Rotterdam model is estimated to study the effect of exchange rate fluctuations on the demand for tomatoes, using monthly data for nominal exchange rates between the U.S. and Mexico, and the U.S. and Canada it is found in both cases, that increased U.S. Dollar strength with respect to the currency of either country will result in increased imports.

The dynamic changes experienced in international trade in terms of volumes, varieties and destinations in manufacturing goods suggests that a change in comparative advantage has occurred for industrial and developing countries. The present study analyzes the impact of the dynamism in international trade in the change of comparative advantage in manufacturing sector for the case of Mexico and Indonesia for the period of 1989-2011. It was found that the trade pattern of Mexico has change significantly in the last 23 years turning into new industrial activities, meaning a deep change in variety of products, human capital and technology intensity at structural level. As for Indonesia the change was found to be also significant even though at less degree than Mexico but with the particularity of keeping the traditional industries as the backbone of exports while developing some new industries. A good number of opportunities for trade expansion were found for Mexico and Indonesia since both countries specialized in different variety of products under different factors intensities. Keywords: Revealed Comparative Advantage, Manufacturing, Trade Balance, Factor Intensities, and Products Mapping, International Trade.

&lt;p&gt;En junio de 1938 vio la luz en México el primer número de El Popular por iniciativa del líder sindical Vicente Lombardo Toledano, secretario general de la Confederación de Trabajadores de México. El periódico nacía con la vocación de canalizar la voz del proletariado mexicano, aunque muy pronto, y ante el devenir de los acontecimientos nacionales e internacionales, se convirtió en el abanderado de la prensa antifascista en México e incluso en el resto de América Latina. Así, el objetivo de estas páginas es analizar el papel desempeñado por El Popular ante la progresiva penetración del falangismo español en México, en un contexto histórico donde el fascismo se mostraba como la verdadera amenaza a la democracia en el&lt;br /&gt;mundo, tal y como pudo comprobarse en la Guerra Civil Española.&lt;/p&gt;

En este artículo se analiza el fenómeno migratorio en México, así como las políticas públicas laborales generadas en materia migratoria ante las presiones arancelarias realizadas por el gobierno de los Estados Unidos de América con el afán de contener la migración hacia su país, identificando las barreras que México les presenta para conseguir un trabajo digno, los hechos en torno al problema público y el sentir de los migrantes, recogiendo sus impresiones ante su tránsito por México, planteando la necesidad de reestructurar las políticas públicas ante la insuficiencia del “Plan Juárez”, aplicando una metodología cualitativa mediante el estudio de casos obtenidos con el apoyo de organizaciones no gubernamentales, recopilando información mediante la revisión documental de diversas fuentes bibliográficas y la técnica de entrevista, concluyendo con una serie de propuestas que buscan la generación y eficiencia de los planes y programas destinados a lograr una verdadera inserción laboral del migrante en México.

Reviewed by: ¡Chicana Power! Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement by Maylei Blackwell, and: Bridging: How Gloria Anzaldúa’s Life and Work Transformed Our Own by AnaLouise Keating and Gloria González-López Yolanda Padilla !Chicana Power! Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement. By Maylei Blackwell. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011. 300 pages, $24.95. Bridging: How Gloria Anzaldúa’s Life and Work Transformed Our Own. Edited by AnaLouise Keating and Gloria González-López. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011. 276 pages, $55.00. Maylei Blackwell’s !Chicana Power!, the first book-length study of Chicanas in the Chicano movement, uses oral history and archival research to tell the compelling story of Las Hijas de Cuauhtémoc, a group that emerged in the late 1960s in response to “the repudiation of women’s leadership and the marginalization of women’s issues in the Chicano student movement” (2). Blackwell’s focus is two-fold. First, she recounts the active ways that Las Hijas responded to the often severe discrimination they faced from male activists; these included concrete actions (publishing one of the first Chicana feminist newspapers, organizing a national meeting of Chicanas, and community involvement) and the development of an early analysis of the interrelated nature of gender, racial, sexual, and class power. Second, Blackwell interweaves her own analysis of how the story of Las Hijas “transforms the ways we understand these historical narratives and the political nature of the knowledge practices that produce them” (3). Thus, the politics of knowledge production is as central to the book as Las Hijas themselves. Informed by Foucault and Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Blackwell underscores the stakes involved in interrogating exclusionary historical narratives, arguing that they do not “merely represent historical realities but help to produce those realities by enforcing the boundaries of legitimate political memory and the subjectivities they authorize” (11). One of the book’s many strengths is Blackwell’s decision to foreground the voices of the organization’s former members, allowing their firsthand accounts to communicate how their struggles over gender and sexuality within the movement ultimately gave rise to the “multifaceted vision of liberation” they created, which, as Blackwell argues, resulted in the production of “a new Chicana political identity” (1). The book also provides an excellent analysis of the role played by sexual politics in the movement and details the painful divisions that marred the extraordinary 1971 national meeting of Chicanas (Conferencia de Mujeres por la Raza), shedding light on the “political fault lines of early Chicana feminism” (161). Finally, Blackwell develops a number of theoretical concepts, chief among which is her notion of “retrofitted memory,” her name for the historicizing strategies Las Hijas used to counter the [End Page 434] erasure of Chicana political subjectivities from the movement. !Chicana Power! is a significant contribution to the ongoing process of historicizing Chicana feminist consciousness and furthers the work of scholars such as Emma Pérez, who have problematized traditional historio-graphical practices in Chicana/o studies contexts. In their introduction to Bridging, a volume of essays honoring the life and work of Gloria Anzaldúa, AnaLouise Keating and Gloria Gónzalez-López explain that the impetus for the volume was the concern that Anzaldúa’s untimely death in 2004 would cause her intellectual legacy to suffer, especially with respect to her more radical later work. In their effort to circumvent this problem, they asked their contributors to engage, among other issues, “future directions to consider as we build on Anzaldúa’s intellectual inheritance” and to follow one of Anzaldúa’s key critical tenets of “risking the personal,” by which they mean using self-disclosure and self-reflection as the foundation for their essays (6, 1). Most of the contributors follow this injunction as they reflect on Anzaldúa’s importance. Some, especially in part 1, do not move beyond such reflections, choosing to focus on the deep pain that they continue to feel at Anzaldúa’s death. These pieces are moving tributes for a scholar who changed so many lives. However, the contributions that best fulfill the aims elaborated by the editors are those that...

The year 1970 marked presentation of First Annual Premio Quinto Sol Literary Award to Tomas Rivera, an associate professor of Spanish at Sam Houston University in Huntsville, Texas. Sponsored by Quinto Sol Publications, a recently established independent Chicano press in Berkeley, Premio Quinto Sol represented first literary prize promoted nationally for best fictional work authored by a Mexican American. The award and publication in 1971 of Rivera's y no se lo trago la tierra / ... and earth did not part as a bilingual edition marked a watershed moment for Quinto Sol and Chicano Movement, one that followed on heels of Quinto Sol's 1967 founding of El Grito: A Journal of Contemporary Mexican-American Thought, first national academic and literary Mexican American journal in United States, and its 1969 release of El espejo--The Mirror, first anthology of Mexican American literature. The efforts of Quinto Sol had a powerful impact on El Movimiento's attempts to mold a national Mexican American culture and community through production and dissemination of a critical discourse, literature, and art labeled exclusively Chicano. The institutional claims, editorial decisions, and sympathies of Quinto Sol, along with literature and art it popularized within Chicano Movement, played a leading and influential role in establishing what Michael Denning terms a formation. For Denning, who follows Raymond Williams in applying concept, a cultural formation comprises a and an aesthetic ideology, with former signifying the infrastructure of any cultural initiative, while latter represents the conscious and unconscious ways of valuing that a cultural formation develops and inculcates, its 'aesthetic,' its sense of what is good, true, and beautiful, which is rarely straightforward and uncomplicated (202). By mid1970s, cultural politics and ideology prompted by Chicano Movement radicalism expanded to include several independent publishing outlets and numerous national newspapers, magazines, and scholarly journals, not to mention institution of Chicano Studies and Ethnic Studies programs on college and university campuses across California and Southwest. Quinto Sol and intellectuals, artists, and writers associated with it proved vital to this historical, political, and cultural process. The texts distributed by Quinto Sol from 1967 to 1974 stand as earliest and perhaps most influential scholarly and literary works of Chicano Movement participants struggling to forge an autonomous and self-sustained intellectual and creative space for development and self-definition of Chicano community. Shortly after receiving El Premio Quinto Sol, Rivera confessed that contest and award revelo entonces que nosotros los chicanos teniamos vida que buscaba forma [revealed to me that we Chicanos had life in search of form] (Chicano 5). Life in search of form, an account of Chicano literature to which Rivera would continually return, draws attention to significance of printed word in formation of a Chicano collective identity and self-knowledge. Likewise, Rivera, who worked closely with Quinto Sol throughout early 1970s, underscores El Movimiento's outlook on necessity and key function of unbiased artistic and academic venues for publication. For editors of Quinto Sol, fight for self-determination, self-government, equality, justice, and political autonomy--rooted in what Lorena Oropeza describes as a transition from politics of supplication to politics of confrontation (49) that occurred during Vietnam War era-had to be waged not solely in fields, on streets, and in barrios, but also in intellectual and literary circles of Academy and publishing industry. Universities, colleges, and mainstream presses discriminated against Mexican American communities through exclusionary policies and prohibitive practices as well as through production and distribution of scholarship and creative fiction that promulgated racist ideologies, stereotypes, and images. …