Mount Hermon

This paper covers a small group of functional types of glass unguentaria dating back to Roman period that an archaeologist may encounter. Additionally, it primarily presents new, previously unexamined glass specimens unearthed, the unguentaria are classified typologically by shape, and all specimens discussed herein have been recovered from the Syrian Coastal Region (mainly Latakia). Although the samples of glassware from the Roman period selected by the author may seem insufficient for comprehensive research, the main objective of this article is to provide a reliable presentation of glass unguentaria prevalent throughout Roman Syria at the mentioned sites. In addition, this article provides an explanation, documentation, and classification of Roman period unguentaria pieces based on their archaeological context. The period from the 1st century to the end of the 3rd century AD is considered to be the height of Roman glass production, usage, and distribution; with glass becoming so ubiquitous in all daily matters of Roman life. Additionally, their use in funerary rites became more prevalent. Academic consensus on the topic of Roman glass in general, and on unguentaria in particular; suggests that they were mainly used to hold and store scented oils, cosmetic products, perfumes, and/or sacred perfumed ointments. Further, the common reoccurrence of ¬specimens at burial sites confirms their roles as votive offerings in tombs during funerary religious rites. Despite being commonplace objects, and despite the variations in their styles, research into the location and significance of glass production centers around the Mediterranean remains lacking.

Parliamentary enclosure was one of the most important socio-economic changes to affect English communities in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, affecting up to 8.4 million acres (3.4 m ha) in England and Wales (Turner 1980). In midland, southern and eastern England much of this was open field arable and lowland commons. Enclosure in these areas had considerable social impacts. The nature and scale of these have been widely debated since the nineteenth century with opinions oscillating between Marxist and classical economic stances. Marxist interpretations have portrayed parliamentary enclosure as an instrument for oppressing the rural proletariat, with loss of common rights forcing smallholders to sell out because of the heavy costs that enclosure demanded, and turning cottagers and smallholders into biddable full-time wage labourers for the larger farmers, a form of social engineering. The alternative view is that the process was reasonably fair and did not severely disadvantage most of those in the lower strata of rural society with the main phase of decline of small farmers occurring well after parliamentary enclosure had occurred (Chambers and Mingay 1966; Mingay 1997; Neeson 1993; Snell 1985). Over much of northern England, however, parliamentary enclosure involved mainly upland common pasture. In the early nineteenth century, Cumberland and Westmorland had the highest proportion of their areas in unenclosed common of any English counties (Williams 1970). Open fields had mostly been removed before the later eighteenth century by piecemeal enclosure (Winchester 1987). In North West England (here taken as comprising the pre-1974 counties of Cumberland and Westmorland together with north Lancashire), over 500,000 acres (202,342 ha) were enclosed under parliamentary act, much of it in upland or upland marginal areas (Whyte 2003). There was an initial burst of enclosure in the 1770 s involving mainly smaller lowland commons which were capable of conversion to arable. A second major phase of enclosure occurred in the early nineteenth century during the period of high wartime food prices and included more marginal pasture at higher altitudes. The third surge of activity took place in the mid nineteenth century, especially following the General Enclosure Act of 1845, again involving land of relatively poor quality (Whyte 2003). It is important to appreciate, however, that not all common pasture in north-west England was enclosed by parliamentary act. There had been a good deal of piecemeal enclosure associated with population increases in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, either for cultivation (Appleby 1978) or as stinted cow pastures shared between small groups of farmers (Winchester 2000b). Equally much land completely escaped enclosure. In Westmorland for example, c.100,000 acres (40,468 ha) of land were enclosed under parliamentary act, but 129,000 acres (52,204 ha) remain as open common pasture today (Humphries 2008). The poor quality of some of the land involved probably helps to explain the failure to enclose at least some other commons.

Ozone (O3) and aerosols are harmful to human health. Long-range transport sources contribute to the background levels upon which local pollution builds. The goal of this thesis is to describe and quantify the respective contribution of local and long-range transported sources to the O3 and aerosol budget in the framework of European air quality management. This issue is examined using a global model of chemistry and transport, the GEOS-Chem model, constrained by several experimental datasets (e.g. trace gases and aerosol distributions, aerosol optical depth, particulate matter concentrations) taken from field experiments, ground-based sites and satellite. The capabilities of the model to reproduce O3 and aerosol patterns is first examined. The model reproduces well in general the distribution of O3 and related species over the North Atlantic/Europe area. The simulation of particulate matter smaller than 2.5 μm (PM2.5) and aerosol optical depth (AOD) over Europe is also satisfying in general, but this may reflect some compensating errors between individual components (e.g. underestimate of organic matter, and overestimate of sulphate and dust). Intercomparison between the GEOS-Chem and another global model (MOZECH) also reveals possible problems in the water vapour distribution associated with the processes which drive the vertical lifting of pollutant over continental boundary layers. Despite these (relative) deficiencies, the model provides anyway insights about the contribution of long-range transport on the O3 and aerosol loads over Europe. The impact of continental outflow on the O3 chemical tendencies over oceanic regions is quantified. Net O3 photochemical production in polluted air masses travelling over oceanic areas under the influence of continental outflow is enhanced all-year round compared to the background marine environment by 2 to 6 ppbv/day in the boundary layer and by 1 to 3 ppbv/day in the upper troposphere. The origin of O3 long-range sources and their impact on the European O3 budget, as well as the role of changing emissions on this budget over the pasts decades is further investigated. Import of North American O3 into Europe is mainly controlled by meteorological patterns and by photochemical production over the North Atlantic and thus reaches a maximum in summer. In addition, Asia contributes to long-range transported O3 pollution by the Indian summer monsoon easterly winds during summer. During the monsoon period, convection is strong and associated NOx lightning emissions also contribute to high O3 levels, especially in the Mediterranean basin. North American and Asian anthropogenic pollution contribute substantially to the annual O3 burden (integrated over the whole tropospheric column) over Europe, accounting for 11% and 8%, respectively while the European contribution only accounts for 9%. The increase in Asian emissions from 1980 to 1997 have compensated the local reduction of O3 precursors, especially in the free troposphere. Finally, the aerosol load over Europe and the contribution of long and medium-range sources including anthropogenic and biomass burning pollution from North America and mineral dust from North Africa is examined. The model was used to interpret MODIS (Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer) AOD and observations provided by the International Consortium for Atmospheric Research on Transport and Transformation (ICARTT) campaign over the North Atlantic and European area. Trans-Atlantic transport of aerosol is controlled by meteorological patterns and scavenging processes and reaches a maximum in spring. North American uxes of aerosols reach Europe at flower altitudes than that of O3 because a larger fraction of aerosols are scavenged in the venting from the boundary layer by frontal passages and deep convection. During high vegetation fire events in the boreal forest of Alaska and Canada, biomass burning pollution could also reach Europe at high altitudes, because a fraction of fire emissions are emitted directly in the free troposphere. Finally, the Saharan region also contributes significantly to the aerosol load over Europe. European sources contribute by 58% and 48% to the surface PM2.5 and column AOD over Europe. The second main sources are the mineral dust which represent in average 20% of the surface PM2.5 and AOD. In summer, North American anthropogenic and biomass burning emissions represent between 2 to 5% of the surface PM2.5 and AOD. The PM2.5 daily standard levels of the World Health organization (WHO) (10 μg/m3) and of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) (65 μg/m3) are often exceeded during dust outbreaks, especially in southern Europe. Long-range transport of anthropogenic and natural pollution is thus an important issue which should be considered in the definition of air quality standards and regulation treaties.

Climatology of hail in France

Abstract. The main aim of the present study is to describe the vertical structure of the intense Mediterranean dust outbreaks, based on the use of satellite and surface-based retrievals/measurements. Strong and extreme desert dust (DD) episodes are identified at 1° × 1° spatial resolution, over the period March 2000–February 2013, through the implementation of an updated objective and dynamic algorithm. According to the algorithm, strong DD episodes occurring at a specific place correspond to cases in which the daily aerosol optical depth at 550 nm (AOD550 nm) exceeds or equals the long-term mean AOD550 nm (Mean) plus two standard deviations (SD), which is also smaller than Mean+4 × SD. Extreme DD episodes correspond to cases in which the daily AOD550 nm value equals or exceeds Mean+4 × SD. For the identification of DD episodes, additional optical properties (Ångström exponent, fine fraction, effective radius and aerosol index) derived by the MODIS-Terra & Aqua (also AOD retrievals), OMI-Aura and EP-TOMS databases are used as inputs. According to the algorithm using MODIS-Terra data, over the period March 2000–February 2013, strong DD episodes occur more frequently (up to 9.9 episodes year−1) over the western Mediterranean, while the corresponding frequencies for the extreme ones are smaller (up to 3.3 episodes year−1, central Mediterranean Sea). In contrast to their frequency, dust episodes are more intense (AODs up to 4.1), over the central and eastern Mediterranean Sea, off the northern African coasts. Slightly lower frequencies and higher intensities are found when the satellite algorithm operates based on MODIS-Aqua retrievals, for the period 2003–2012. The consistency of the algorithm is successfully tested through the application of an alternative methodology for the determination of DD episodes, which produced similar features of the episodes' frequency and intensity, with just slightly higher frequencies and lower intensities. The performance of the satellite algorithm is assessed against surface-based daily data from 109 sun-photometric (AERONET) and 22 PM10 stations. The agreement between AERONET and MODIS AOD is satisfactory (R = 0.505 − 0.750) and improves considerably when MODIS level 3 retrievals with higher sub-grid spatial representativeness and homogeneity are considered. Through the comparison against PM10 concentrations, it is found that the presence of dust is justified in all ground stations with success scores ranging from 68 to 97 %. However, poor agreement is evident between satellite and ground PM10 observations in the western parts of the Mediterranean, which is attributed to the desert dust outbreaks' vertical extension and the high altitude of dust presence. The CALIOP vertical profiles of pure and polluted dust observations and the associated total backscatter coefficient at 532 nm (β532 nm), indicate that dust particles are mainly detected between 0.5 and 6 km, though they can reach 8 km between the parallels 32 and 38° N in warm seasons. An increased number of CALIOP dust records at higher altitudes is observed with increased latitude, northwards to 40° N, revealing an ascending mode of the dust transport. However, the overall intensity of DD episodes is maximum (up to 0.006 km−1 sr−1) below 2 km and at the southern parts of the study region (30–34° N). Additionally, the average thickness of dust layers gradually decreases from 4 to 2 km, moving from south to north. In spring, dust layers of moderate-to-high β532 nm values ( ∼ 0.004 km−1 sr−1) are detected over the Mediterranean (35–42° N), extending from 2 to 4 km. Over the western Mediterranean, dust layers are observed between 2 and 6 km, while their base height is decreased down to 0.5 km for increasing longitudes underlying the role of topography and thermal convection. The vertical profiles of CALIOP β532 nm confirm the multilayered structure of the Mediterranean desert dust outbreaks on both annual and seasonal bases, with several dust layers of variable geometrical characteristics and intensities. A detailed analysis of the vertical structure of specific DD episodes using CALIOP profiles reveals that the consideration of the dust vertical structure is necessary when attempting comparisons between columnar MODIS AOD retrievals and ground PM10 concentrations.

Popular Revenants: The German Gothic and Its International Reception, 1800–2000

Worldwide cross-cultural trade is not a transitory phenomenon. Throughout human history, people have exchanged goods and services from one person or group to another. Gradually, currency was introduced as a standardized means of payment to provide a better guarantee on the transfer of goods and services. Buyers and sellers met each other in a physical place which was later called the market. Even in early history, trade was not limited to people within a tribe or to certain locations. There is evidence for ancient long-range trade routes and the development of cross-cultural trade networks with people in distant lands. Sumerians in Mesopotamia traded with other civilizations; Phoenicians travelled across the Mediterranean Sea and a trade route called the Silk Road emerged between Europe and Asia. There was also a trade route for the transfer of amber (the Amber Road) from coastal areas of the Baltic Sea to the Mediterranean, and also a route for the transfer of salt (the Salt Road). The Greeks, Romans and Vikings expanded trade across Europe as well as into Asia. In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese intensified long-distance trade and explored new trade routes to the East Indies as well as landing in America. In the seventeenth century, the Dutch Republic dominated trade in the East Indies. The Dutch East India Company (in Dutch: Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie), one of the world’s first multinational companies, flourished at that time but went bankrupt in 1799. The British gradually took over control of early global trade in the eighteenth century. In the same period, authors started to write on global trade and so helped further encourage cross-cultural trade. In 1776, Adam Smith published An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, and in 1817, David Ricardo and other authors showed that free trade would benefit the industrially weak as well as the strong. Two countries would gain from trade between each other, even if one were more efficient in all aspects. In the nineteenth century, the invention of machines and the birth of industrialization propelled the rise of national and international trade. This development is sometimes referred to as the starting point of globalization. Global markets in brand name packaged goods started to emerge. For example, twenty years after its introduction in 1886, Coca-Cola was marketed in the USA, Canada, Britain, Cuba, and Mexico; in the early twentieth century it was bottled in 27 countries and sold in 78. Other multinational companies followed, such as Remington (typewriters), Nestle (condensed milk/baby food), Lever Brothers (soap), Siemens (electrical equipment), and Singer (sewing machines). The gold standard and colonialism encouraged a number of commercial banks to develop networks of overseas branches. The range of global products and services continued to grow in the early twentieth century until a major economic recession, the Great Depression, caused a collapse of trade in 1929, followed by the outbreak of World War II in 1939. From 1950 until today, trade has been rapidly increasing, although it has been predominantly taking place between developed countries. Consequently, cross-cultural business was limited to between Western countries. However, the second half of the twentieth century showed a rise of globalizing Asian companies bringing trade to a global level and intensifying cross-cultural business contact. Today’s business is characterized by an increased interconnectedness of business and social relations. As a result, the impact of culture on organizations and individuals has increased dramatically.

<strong class="journal-contentHeaderColor">Abstract.</strong> We report on airborne limb and nadir measurements of vertical profiles and total vertical column densities (VCDs) of glyoxal (<span class="inline-formula">C₂H₂O₂</span>) in the troposphere, which were performed aboard the German research aircraft HALO (High Altitude and LOng Range) in different regions and seasons around the globe between 2014 and 2019. The airborne nadir and integrated limb profiles agree excellently among each other. Our airborne observations are further compared to collocated glyoxal measurements of the TROPOspheric Monitoring Instrument (TROPOMI), with good agreement between both data sets for glyoxal observations in (1) pristine terrestrial, (2) pristine marine, (3) mixed polluted, and (4) biomass-burning-affected air masses with high glyoxal concentrations. Exceptions to the overall good agreement are observations of (1) faint and aged biomass burning plumes over the oceans and (2) of low-lying biomass burning or anthropogenic plumes in the terrestrial or marine boundary layer, both of which contain elevated glyoxal that is mostly not captured by TROPOMI. These differences in airborne and satellite-detected glyoxal are most likely caused by the overall small contribution of plumes of a limited extent to the total glyoxal absorption in the atmosphere and the difficulty in remotely detecting weak absorbers located close to low reflective surfaces (e.g. the ocean in the visible wavelength range) or within dense aerosol layers. Observations of glyoxal in aged biomass burning plumes (e.g. observed over the tropical Atlantic off the coast of West Africa in summer 2018, off the coast of Brazil by the end of the dry season 2019, and the East China Sea in spring 2018) could be traced back to related wildfires, such as a plume crossing over the Drake Passage that originated from the Australian bushfires in late 2019. Our observations of glyoxal in such aged biomass burning plumes confirm recent findings of enhanced glyoxal and presumably secondary organic aerosol (SOA) formation in aged wildfire plumes from yet-to-be-identified, longer-lived organic precursor molecules (e.g. aromatics, acetylene, or aliphatic compounds) co-emitted in the fires. Furthermore, elevated glyoxal (median 44 <span class="inline-formula">ppt</span> – parts per trillion), as compared to other marine regions (median 10–19 <span class="inline-formula">ppt</span>), is observed in the boundary layer over the tropical oceans, which is well in agreement with previous reports. The airborne data sets are further compared to glyoxal simulations performed with the global atmosphere chemistry model EMAC (ECHAM/MESSy Atmospheric Chemistry). When using an EMAC set up that resembles recent EMAC studies focusing on complex chemistry, reasonable agreement is found for pristine air masses (e.g. the unperturbed free and upper troposphere), but a notable glyoxal overestimation of the model exists for regions with high emissions of glyoxal and glyoxal-producing volatile organic compounds (VOCs) from the biosphere (e.g. the Amazon). In all other investigated regions, the model underpredicts glyoxal to varying degrees, in particular when probing mixed emissions from anthropogenic activities (e.g. over continental Europe, the Mediterranean, and East China Sea) and potentially from the sea (e.g. the tropical oceans). Also, the model tends to largely underpredict glyoxal in city plumes and aged biomass burning plumes. The potential causes for these differences are likely to be multifaceted, but they all point to missing glyoxal sources from the degradation of the mixture of potentially longer-chained organic compounds emitted from anthropogenic activities, biomass burning, and from the organic microlayer of the sea surface.

Abstract. We report on airborne limb and nadir measurements of vertical profiles and total vertical column densities (VCDs) of glyoxal (C2H2O2) in the troposphere, which were performed aboard the German research aircraft HALO (High Altitude and LOng Range) in different regions and seasons around the globe between 2014 and 2019. The airborne nadir and integrated limb profiles agree excellently among each other. Our airborne observations are further compared to collocated glyoxal measurements of the TROPOspheric Monitoring Instrument (TROPOMI), with good agreement between both data sets for glyoxal observations in (1) pristine terrestrial, (2) pristine marine, (3) mixed polluted, and (4) biomass-burning-affected air masses with high glyoxal concentrations. Exceptions to the overall good agreement are observations of (1) faint and aged biomass burning plumes over the oceans and (2) of low-lying biomass burning or anthropogenic plumes in the terrestrial or marine boundary layer, both of which contain elevated glyoxal that is mostly not captured by TROPOMI. These differences in airborne and satellite-detected glyoxal are most likely caused by the overall small contribution of plumes of a limited extent to the total glyoxal absorption in the atmosphere and the difficulty in remotely detecting weak absorbers located close to low reflective surfaces (e.g. the ocean in the visible wavelength range) or within dense aerosol layers. Observations of glyoxal in aged biomass burning plumes (e.g. observed over the tropical Atlantic off the coast of West Africa in summer 2018, off the coast of Brazil by the end of the dry season 2019, and the East China Sea in spring 2018) could be traced back to related wildfires, such as a plume crossing over the Drake Passage that originated from the Australian bushfires in late 2019. Our observations of glyoxal in such aged biomass burning plumes confirm recent findings of enhanced glyoxal and presumably secondary organic aerosol (SOA) formation in aged wildfire plumes from yet-to-be-identified, longer-lived organic precursor molecules (e.g. aromatics, acetylene, or aliphatic compounds) co-emitted in the fires. Furthermore, elevated glyoxal (median 44 ppt – parts per trillion), as compared to other marine regions (median 10–19 ppt), is observed in the boundary layer over the tropical oceans, which is well in agreement with previous reports. The airborne data sets are further compared to glyoxal simulations performed with the global atmosphere chemistry model EMAC (ECHAM/MESSy Atmospheric Chemistry). When using an EMAC set up that resembles recent EMAC studies focusing on complex chemistry, reasonable agreement is found for pristine air masses (e.g. the unperturbed free and upper troposphere), but a notable glyoxal overestimation of the model exists for regions with high emissions of glyoxal and glyoxal-producing volatile organic compounds (VOCs) from the biosphere (e.g. the Amazon). In all other investigated regions, the model underpredicts glyoxal to varying degrees, in particular when probing mixed emissions from anthropogenic activities (e.g. over continental Europe, the Mediterranean, and East China Sea) and potentially from the sea (e.g. the tropical oceans). Also, the model tends to largely underpredict glyoxal in city plumes and aged biomass burning plumes. The potential causes for these differences are likely to be multifaceted, but they all point to missing glyoxal sources from the degradation of the mixture of potentially longer-chained organic compounds emitted from anthropogenic activities, biomass burning, and from the organic microlayer of the sea surface.

254Southwestern Historical QuarterlyOctober bibliography and discography that help guide the reader to additional sources of information. All in all, this is a well-researched, well-written, and beautifully designed book that will be enjoyed by almost anyone interested in Texas music history. Texas State University-San MarcosGary Hartman How Cities Won the West: Four Centuries of Urban Change in Western North America. By Carl Abbott. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2008. Pp. 358. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliographic note, index. ISBN 9780826333124, $34-95 cloth). By invoking the intentionally provocative phrase "Won the West," Carl Abbott's tide alerts readers of two important themes oudined in his story: the centrality and, indeed, "triumph" of cities on the western landscape and the author's desire to situate cities at die heart ofhistorical debates on the American West. Regarding the latter point, his book is as much a history of the Nordi American West as it is a history of cities within it—a relationship inextricably linked. Abbott also traces the changes western cities experienced from their earliest frontier stage to their present-day status as centers for global innovation. The cities of the West evolved from a dependent, almost child-like relationship with the East to themselves being the mature parent, stimulating economic, social, and intellectual change in North America and the world. In short, Abbott asserts, "We can say that the cities ofwestern North America have come into their own" (275). Abbott identifies his study as "Four Centuries of Urban Change"; however, given the paucity of urban development in the West before the nineteenth century , he appropriately focuses on the nineteenth and twentiedi centuries. The book is broken into two distinct periods of transition: 1840-1940, and the West since 1940. After brief mention ofseventeenth- and eighteenth-century trade and mission sites like Sitka, Santa Fe, and San Antonio, the narrative quickly moves to a discussion of gateway centers, such as St Louis, Omaha, Dallas, and Winnipeg (on the eastern boundary) and Honolulu, San Francisco, Pordand, Vancouver , Seattle, and San Diego (on the Pacific rim). It is worth noting that Abbott incorporates the urban development of western Canada into his study, arguing that western Canadian cities followed a similar macro-historical process to that of their United States counterparts—a shared trajectory that includes exploration, trade, missionary efforts, resource extraction, and town development. Whether it is the launch of Lewis and Clark's expedition from St. Louis, the Mormon exodus to the shores of the Great Salt Lake, the rush for gold through San Francisco, labor unrest in Cripple Creek, or the Kaiser shipyards in California, scholars ofthe American West will find familiar subject matter in Abbott's study. In this respect, the author masterfully weaves the history of western North America through the lens of urban development. Urban studies themes also figure prominently in the book, including civic boosterism, the "city beautiful" movement, tourism, neoprogressivism , urban renewal, and grassroots civic activism represented by groups like the Communities Organized for Public Service (cops) in San Antonio. 20ogBook Reviews255 In his telling of the history ofwestern North American cities, Abbott breaks litde new ground. Interestingly, there is not only inevitability to Abbott's urban West, but also the notion that western urban development is a positive good, despite sometimes negative social and environmental consequences. In terms of time and space, the book's innovation lays in its broad sweep and narrow scope, synthesizing copious city histories and larger western studies into a cohesive narrative. The author winds his story effordessly through western urban history—from Larimer's swindle for the future site of Denver in 1858 to the Riverfront for People's rally for park areas along Pordand's waterfront in 1969. Still, much goes unsaid. From the perspective ofTexas history, there is litde discussion ofSpindletop and its early influence on urban development (especially Houston) and little credit is given to Texas cities for Progressive innovations in city government (like the Galveston Plan) or the role of Texans in the founding of La Raza Unida. Of course, these criticisms are typical ofa bold synthesis: everyone wants a little more on their area of interest. University ofTexas-Pan AmericanLinda English Pueblos, Spaniards...

This essay demonstrates how unique geographic characteristics of the Mediterranean Sea dramatically shaped European colonial policy throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Mediterranean Sea created critical trade routes made the colonization of Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco not only politically useful for establishing and maintaining France’s power relative to other European nations but also economically vital for France’s industrial production. After the decline of the French colonial empire, national immigration policies were dictated by the desire to maintain France’s economic strength and political influence in the region by controlling its surroundings in the Mediterranean. While the Mediterranean once represented the possibility of expanded control and geopolitical power, it now represents just the opposite, a source of anarchy and chaos that is frequently seen as requiring strong border control.

During her Golden Era, Alexandria, the Delta City of Egypt, was the pride of Africa in that she was larger than the two other world cities of the Roman Empire � Rome and Antioch � and also the unrivalled intellectual centre of the (Greco-)Roman world. Her schools, including the Didaskaleion � the Catechetical School � outshone the schools of her rivals by far. During the first half of the 1st century CE and specifically after the destruction of the temple and the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE, many Jews fled their home country for different parts of the Roman Empire, like Transjordan, Syria and Africa. A number of these Jews � later called Christians � believed in Jesus of Nazareth. In Alexandria, these believers were confronted with different religions, cults and philosophies. The Didaskaleion was founded to rival these religions and cults and to provide the students with the necessary basis for their newly found religion. The lack of literature, on the one hand, and the credibility of the extant literature, on the other, caused great difficulty in reasoning with authority on the Didaskaleion. This is part one of two articles, the second one being constructed around the heads of the School.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: Research about Africa done by Africans (inhabitants of Africa) need to increase because, in many ways Africa, is silent or silenced about her past. The fundamental question is: �Can anything good come out of Africa?� My answer is, �Yes! Come and see.� Therefore these two articles attempt to indicate the significance of Africa, which was actually the place where Christian Theology was founded. This has intra- as well as interdisciplinary implications. In this case the investigation is done from a theological perspective.

Acknowledgments. Introduction. Part I Classical Literary Criticism and Rhetoric. 1 Classical Literary Criticism. Introduction to the Classical Period. Plato (428-ca. 347 BC). Aristotle (384-322 BC). 2 The Traditions of Rhetoric. Greek Rhetoric. Roman Rhetoric. The Subsequent History of Rhetoric: An Overview. The Legacy of Rhetoric. 3 Greek and Latin Criticism During the Roman Empire. Horace (65-8 BC). Longinus (First Century AD). Neo-Platonism. Part II The Medieval Era. 4 The Early Middle Ages. Historical Background. Intellectual and Theological Currents. 5 The Later Middle Ages. Historical Background. Intellectual Currents of the Later Middle Ages. The Traditions of Medieval Criticism. Transitions: Medieval Humanism. Part III The Early Modern Period to the Enlightenment. 6 The Early Modern Period. Historical Background. Intellectual Background. Confronting the Classical Heritage. Defending the Vernacular. Poetics and the Defense of Poetry. Poetic Form and Rhetoric. 7 Neoclassical Literary Criticism. French Neoclassicism. Neoclassicism in England. 8 The Enlightenment. Historical and Intellectual Background. Enlightenment Literary Criticism: Language, Taste, and Imagination. 9 The Aesthetics of Kant and Hegel. Immanuel Kant (1724-1804). Hegel (1770-1831). Part IV Romanticism and the Later Nineteenth Century. 10 Romanticism. Germany. France. England. America. 11 Realism, Naturalism, Symbolism, and Aestheticism. Historical Background: The Later Nineteenth Century. Realism and Naturalism. Symbolism and Aestheticism. 12 The Heterological Thinkers. Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860). Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900). Henri Bergson (1859-1941). Matthew Arnold (1822-1888). Part V The Twentieth Century: A Brief Introduction. Introduction. 13 From Liberal Humanism to Formalism. The Background of Modernism. The Poetics of Modernism: W. B. Yeats, Ezra Pound, and T. S. Eliot. Formalism. Russian Formalism. The New Criticism. 14 Socially Conscious Criticism of the Earlier Twentieth Century. F. R. Leavis. Marxist and Left-Wing Criticism. The Fundamental Principles of Marxism. Marxist Literary Criticism: A Historical Overview. Early Feminist Criticism: Simone de Beauvoir and Virginia Woolf. 15 Phenomenology, Existentialism, Structuralism. Phenomenology. Existentialism. Heterology. Structuralism. 16 The Era of Poststructuralism (I): Later Marxism, Psychoanalysis, Deconstruction. Later Marxist Criticism. Psychoanalysis. Deconstruction. 17 The Era of Poststructuralism (II): Postmodernism, Modern Feminism, Gender Studies. Jurgen Habermas (b. 1929). Jean Baudrillard (1929-2007). Jean-Fran,cois Lyotard (1924-1998). bell hooks (Gloria Jean Watkins b. 1952). Modern Feminism. Gender Studies. 18 The Later Twentieth Century: New Historicism, Reader-Response Theory, Postcolonial Criticism, Cultural Studies. The New Historicism. Reader-Response and Reception Theory. Postcolonial Criticism. Cultural Studies. Epilogue New Directions: Looking Back, Looking Forward. Index.

Andrea Orsucci's Da Nietzsche a Heidegger: Mondo classico e civiltà europea is one of the richest and densest historical-philosophical studies to have appeared in recent years—certainly on Nietzsche, but also more generally on the European philosophical and intellectual landscape of the turn of the century.The title, which can be translated as From Nietzsche to Heidegger: The Classical World and European Civilization, indicates not only a temporal period and a spatial boundary, but also a philosophical project: moving from Nietzsche to Heidegger through figures such as Dilthey, Spengler, and Jaeger, Orsucci identifies, on the one hand, a quite revolutionary distancing from the spirit of the nineteenth century and, on the other, a substantial debt to the classical inheritance that century delivered. Indeed, on his reading, it is the classical world—and particularly the art, culture, and education of ancient Greece—that is the essential reference point for these figures; rather than fathers of the twentieth century, they are the sons of Goethe and the German Klassik. As Orsucci puts it, “in the late nineteenth century and the following decades, Hellas appears as a real experimentum crucis, which permits the ‘construction’ of indispensable ‘ideal models’ with which to ‘descend’ back to the present and to decipher, from a distanced perspective, the complexity of the transformations taking place” (x; translations are my own). In this project, Greece is a collective name referring to several realities: not only Winckelmann's and Goethe's classicistic sense of the “mother” of Western culture, but also the “bridge” to Oriental culture provided by late Hellenistic-Roman Greece and the more archaic, almost primitive Greece, the understanding of which had been developing in ethnology and anthropology. Orsucci offers an extremely detailed and innovative reconstruction of the convergences between these anthropological studies and the philosophy of this time, revealing the extraordinary significance of classical studies in the philosophy and culture of this crucial period.The wealth of topics covered and information provided by the book preclude any comprehensive summary. Indeed, as Orsucci admits (xix), the fifteen chapters can be read separately as short essays, and some treat themes familiar from his previous work (see chaps. 1–3 and 5–8). But the overall structure is as follows. In the first part, “Exercises of Realism,” chapters 1 to 3 are devoted more specifically to Nietzsche, and chapters 4 and 5 deal with Dilthey. In the second part, “Eastern Heritage in the Classical World,” Spengler is analyzed in detail in chapters 10 and 11, as a conclusion to the rich landscape of authors analyzed in the preceding chapters. Heidegger is the object of an interesting discussion in chapters 12 and 13, and in dialogue with Werner Jaeger in chapter 14. The book also offers a valuable critical apparatus: a rich array of footnotes, an extensive bibliography, and a useful index of names. Particularly interesting in this regard is the list of sources (529–38), which identifies a number of links between the authors analyzed and the studies on antiquity of the period, links that provide Orsucci with keys to understanding the complex structure of the cultural references made in these philosophical works.Chapters 1 to 3 provide a detailed overview of Nietzsche's readings of ethnographic and anthropological works of the period, and how they contribute to his understanding of the religious and cultural dimensions of Greek antiquity, particularly during the composition of Menschliches, Allzumenschliches. Orsucci traces a path through the major works in ethnology, including those of Carl Bötticher, Edward B. Taylor, Heinrich Nissen, Wilhelm Mannhardt, and John Lubbock, to name only the most significant. Together with Manfred Posani Loewenstein's new Italian critical edition of the Vorlesungen über den Gottesdienst der Griechen (Milan: Adelphi, 2012), these chapters of Da Nietzsche a Heidegger complete the panorama of ethnological references in Nietzsche's work and place them in a general interpretation of the role of antiquity in his thinking of the “middle” period. For, rather than simply enumerating the sources or showing Nietzsche's debts to them, Orsucci makes visible how they work in Nietzsche's texts: even when they appear only as quotations, he shows how they become an indissoluble part of the philosophical framework around which Nietzsche constructs the central themes of his critical analyses, often far from the source's original intentions. These chapters can thus be considered a culminating achievement of the philological studies for which Orsucci is already well known in Nietzsche Forschung.Another research interest of Orsucci's is Dilthey, and chapters 4 and 5 of the book provide a strikingly modern interpretation of the meaning of history and historiography in Dilthey's work. According to Orsucci, Dilthey undertakes an experiment in historiography by “assigning new ‘questions’ to the history of philosophy” and integrating in it, as a “working hypothesis,” the historical thesis proposed by “positivistic” philosophers and scientists such as Auguste Comte and John Stuart Mill, Justus von Liebig and Emil du Bois-Reymond. On this view, to remain valid as an instrument of knowledge and action in the modern period of scientific and technical innovation, history must be enriched by an awareness of modern scientific discoveries and the demands revealed by new sociological and political thought; in the face of anxiety about progress and its limits, history must become more a complement and less an alternative to scientific knowledge. Thus, Orsucci claims, “Dilthey's purpose is to increase the ‘strength of impact’ of the humanities by adopting the new languages of the age of positive science and of technical progress” (p. 70).Particularly interesting here is chapter 5, “Cicero, ‘Eternal Rome,’ and the Challenges of Modernity,” where, rather than the ubiquitous Greece, attention is paid to Roman law and Roman social and political thought, which modern scholars from Otto von Gierke and Theodor Mommsen to Dilthey had reconstructed on the basis of Cicero. The historiographical discourse returns in chapter 6, the first of the book's second part, where Orsucci reflects on historiographical classifications and rejects the traditional caesura between a “classical” and a “late” period of antiquity by reflecting on authors such as Ernst Troeltsch, Eduard Meyer, Alois Riegl, Eduard Norden, Wilhelm Bossuet, and Franz Cumont, who promoted a European rediscovery of historical continuity.The second part of the book is perhaps the most important one, both for its richness and ambition and for the significance of its themes. It reconstructs German classicists' discovery of later Greece, the Hellenistic Roman Greece, the Roman Empire, and the so-called Spätantike. Here Orsucci does not focus on particular authors, but considers a wealth of figures in order to reveal the issues raised by the new approach to late antiquity, and the disruptive, almost revolutionary implications of their studies for the more static tradition of classical philology. The most important issue here is the new interest in the magical or shamanic dimension of ancient Greece, and particularly the fascinating effects of ancient music and its rhythm on the human soul, myth, religious mysticism, and astrology, which Orsucci reconstructs in chapter 7 through the works of scholars such as Albrecht Dieterich, Ernst Cassirer, Rudolf Otto, Richard Reitzenstein, and Konrad Theodor Preuss. Chapters 8 and 9 are dedicated to the phenomenon of religious syncretism, analyzing the interrelations among ancient Iranian civilization, Judaism, and early Christianity on the basis of their mystical and gnostic philosophical or religious tendencies. What emerges in these chapters is a Greco-Roman culture freed from its traditional traits, lacking definite boundaries, and with a syncretistic character. In chapters 10 and 11, Orsucci addresses more directly Oswald Spengler and his criticism of the idea of classicism, by means of a rich and enlightening reconstruction of his work, sources, and references. The figure of Spengler, often perhaps too hastily neglected, emerges from this analysis not only as the interpreter of the “twilight atmosphere” of the century's decadence, but also as a sharp and attentive interpreter of all the intellectual stimulations that the ancient tradition offered to fin de siècle scholars.Chapters 12 to 14, which constitute the third part of the book, proceed from the most important results of the second part and focus on Heidegger, by systematically analyzing the deep connections between his thought and nineteenth-century religious-historical studies, including the already mentioned Reitzenstein as well as Rudolf Bultmann, Walter Bauer, and the scholars and intellectuals orbiting around George Kreis. The richness of Orsucci's analyses here will not escape Heidegger scholars, both for the theses defended and as a valuable reference tool. I found particularly interesting his reconsideration of Heidegger's debate with Werner Jaeger on the classical world. For Orsucci shows convincingly that Heidegger's criticism of the crypto-classicist position Jaeger expressed in his main work, Paideia, does not involve a rejection of the classical itself. Heidegger shares references and even sources with his opponent and is subject to the same fascination for antiquity, and his criticism is directed more at Jaeger's weak argumentative framework than at the object of his speculation, the Greek Paideia.In conclusion, Nietzsche scholars will find that Orsucci's chapters on Nietzsche provide valuable insights into his sources and their influence on his thought, and Dilthey, Heidegger, and Spengler scholars will also find the book an indispensable tool for historical and critical research. But Da Nietzsche a Heidegger is also remarkable for its attempt to describe a period of philosophical and classical studies, and the relations between these fields, that no one has yet managed to comprehensively define and describe. In this, Orsucci's work is nothing less than an attempt to account for the complex stimuli, ideas, and discoveries through which the transition from nineteenth-century to contemporary thought occurred. By its very nature, this attempt cannot but reveal the composite and unresolved character of this period. Indeed, the multitude of Orsucci's themes and references may perhaps distract or confuse the reader, and much is left to the reader's own efforts. But this is inevitable in a work that aspires to give unity and completeness to a philosophical period that defies simple categorization. It will be extremely valuable reading for anyone who wishes to appreciate this rich and still not adequately understood period, which profoundly marked the further development of contemporary thought.

Reviewed by: Caribbean Culture and British Fiction in the Atlantic World, 1780–1870 Sean X. Goudie (bio) Caribbean Culture and British Fiction in the Atlantic World, 1780–1870, by Tim Watson; pp. xv + 263. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008, £55.00, £21.99 paper, $95.00, $36.99 paper. Entitled "Family Worship in a Plantation in South Carolina," the cover illustration for Tim Watson's impressive study was reproduced in the Illustrated London News in late 1863 as a way of casting a nostalgic glance at American plantation society before the "bloody Civil War" on the one hand and Caribbean slavery pre-emancipation on the other (1). Especially relevant for Watson's purposes is how the illustration's "real" dimensions compete with the romantic gloss the editors seek to impose on it. For it turns out that the black man preaching to his fellow slaves and the ostensibly benevolent white master at the center of the congregation (and the image) depicts not a pre-Civil War scene but Port Royal in 1861 during its occupation by the Union Army when Northern missionaries—including the one depicted in the illustration, a master of a markedly different kind—were introduced for purposes of converting and instructing the soon-to-be former slaves. [End Page 323] Watson's incisive treatment of the illustration serves as a compelling entrée into the book's central focuses. In the nineteenth century, writers from distinct locations across the British Empire gauged their relationship to a deeply embedded set of social and cultural dynamics between Britain and its Caribbean colonies by drawing alternately on the conventions of romance and realism in their texts—fiction, but also plantation logs and diaries, court testimonies, print media, travel writings, and uncertain objects such as rebellion-laced placards—for authority and support. Watson urges us to take seriously the Caribbean's important if little appreciated influence on British society and culture writ large in the nineteenth century. Across the study's chapters Watson argues compellingly for the importance—both in a romantic and a real sense—of peripatetic Black politico-religious figures like the Port Royal preacher depicted in the book's cover illustration. Drawing on scholarship on slavery and genre by Ian Baucom and others, the study's chief analytic is most sharply defined and developed in the first two chapters, which take up writings shaped by and responsive to the debates leading to emancipation in the 1830s. Leaders of the plantocracy such as the notorious Jamaican Simon Taylor wrote in the mode of "creole realism," presenting themselves as possessive of "qualities of reasonableness and enterprise" to defend against attacks drawn in the language of "gothic melodrama and tropical romance" by abolitionists bent on exposing the violence and excess of plantation society (11). Conversely, when novels such as Maria Edgeworth's Belinda (1801) deployed a "metropolitan" realism that rendered illegitimate efforts of Creole realists like Taylor (11), his cultural inheritors—including Charles White Williams for whom Watson makes a compelling case as the author of the anonymously published gothic novel Hamel, the Obeah Man (1827)—adopted an "imperial" version of romance in order "to memorialize the impending loss of the world of the plantocracy" (12). Within such imperial romances, ironically, we begin to glimpse "the enslaved Jamaicans themselves, the real creoles … and the world to come after emancipation in the 1830s" (12). If the real/romance paradigm allows Watson to manage an otherwise unwieldy array of genres and texts, some readers might yearn for greater precision and consistency in the use of that paradigm across the book's second half, which examines works authored during the post-emancipation period and focused especially on events surrounding the 1865 Morant Bay Rebellion and its aftermath. Given, moreover, the extensive critical genealogies of the study's key terms, readers might wonder whether Watson understands the influence of Caribbean culture on British romance and realism to be like or unlike the shaping influence of gender and sexuality concerns, of developments in technology and visual culture, or of related colonial cultural sites like India—topics about which scholars in Victorian studies have had much to say. Perhaps we might properly regard such...