Moves against the left in West Germany

In this paper studies on current contraceptive use and attitudes toward various contraceptive methods in Germany are reviewed. Both the former West and East Germany are considered. On the basis of the existing studies it is difficult to have a clear impression of which methods are currently used in both countries and how contraceptive practice developed over time, due to methodological differences between studies. Nevertheless, it can be concluded that use of reliable contraceptive methods is widespread in both East and West Germany. In this respect East Germany differs considerably from other previously communistic countries. Attitudes were mainly assessed in West Germany, and with respect to oral contraceptives and IUDs great concern appeared to exist regarding the safety of both methods. As far as oral contraceptives are concerned, selective mass media attention toward possible side-effects of oral contraceptives may have contributed to this situation.

In this article the author deals with dramatic art of West and East Germany in the first post-war years and studies the issue of fathers and sons in works “The Man Outside” (“Draußen vor der Tür”) by W. Borchert (1947, West Germany) and “Wie Tiere des Waldes” by F. Wolf (1948, East Germany). The main topic of both plays is the war issue, the motive of guilt and responsibility growing into a generation gap. The representatives of the younger generation try to find out how their “fathers” could let fascism and war happen, why the “children” who had gone to war were forced to kill and to be killed. In the setting of the main conflict the one with authorities and God in both plays arises, there is an issue of depreciation of human life, a madness issue. As a result of comparison of plays the author comes to a conclusion that despite the common topic and the main conflict of plays the resolution becomes different. The play of East German F. Wolf has a more optimistic nature. The total hopelessness of a situation is observed in the work of Borchert. It is probably connected with the fact that optimism and belief in better future were important components of the socialist ideology and the principle of a socialist realism dominating in East Germany.

Reviewed by: Nach der Verfolgung: Wiedergutmachung nationalsozialistischen Unrechts in Deutschland? Alan E. Steinweis Nach der Verfolgung: Wiedergutmachung nationalsozialistischen Unrechts in Deutschland? edited by Hans-Günter Hockerts and Christiane Kuller. Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2003. 285 pp. €20.00. This important anthology offers a brief yet wide-ranging examination of German compensation (Wiedergutmachung) to the survivors of Nazi persecution. Since 1945, debates over Wiedergutmachung have played an important role in German politics and diplomacy, and have figured significantly in the development of national identity and historical consciousness. Nonetheless, the body of scholarship devoted to this subject remains limited. Only the 1952 agreement between West Germany and Israel has been subjected to thorough analysis. Fortunately, a good deal of intensive research is now underway in Germany to address this lacuna. The volume under review summarizes the findings of established and young historians who are working in the area. Its 12 essays originated as contributions to a conference held at Dachau in October 2002, under the auspices of the Dachau Symposia on Contemporary History. The published essays deal overwhelmingly with West Germany and the post-1990 unified Federal Republic. East Germany, whose efforts with regard to compensation were minimal, are examined in one comparative essay. The essays cover a wide range of themes, ranging from the restitution of Aryanized property in the early post-war period, while (West) Germany was still under Allied control, to transcultural reconciliation efforts sponsored by [End Page 186] the Catholic and Protestant churches, to the recently established corporate fund to compensate victims of Nazi forced labor programs. Although Jews are not the only victims and survivors discussed in the book, they are at the heart of many of the essays. The introductory essay by Hans Gunter Hockerts provides a highly useful overview of the subject, summarizing the origins and evolution of various forms of compensation, and reviewing the most important laws, policies, and controversies that arise in the subsequent essays. Hockerts defends the use of the term "Wiedergutmachung," which, according to some critics, has fostered the illusion that things could be actually be "made good again." Hockerts argues that the concept, as employed by the West Germans, had never really carried apologetic connotations, but had rather been intended as a sincere acknowledgment of German guilt and as a gesture of good will toward the victims. Hockerts explains that Wiedergutmachung encompassed several processes. Within Germany it included restitution (Rückerstattung) of stolen or damaged property; indemnification (Entschädigung) for deprivation of freedom and damage to health; pensions; and the legal rehabilitation of persons unjustly condemned by the Nazi legal system. Outside of Germany, Wiedergutmachung involved a complex set of bilateral treaties between Germany and a host of other countries. In many instances, financial compensation was at the heart of the matter, a fact that has led some critics to complain about the so-called "monetization of memory." Hockerts argues, however, that Wiedergutmachung contained a symbolic significance as well, influencing the developing culture of memory in Germany and elsewhere. This point is driven home in several of the essays, including the fine contributions by Christian Staffa and Dietmar Süss about Protestant and Catholic organizations devoted to German reconciliation with Jews and other groups persecuted by the Nazis. Two of the volume's essays will be of particular value to those with an interest in Jewish history. Jürgen Lillteicher's contribution, which covers restitution within Germany, makes depressing reading. Lillteicher underscores the legal and administrative chicanery employed by West German officials to block or complicate restitution of property to German Jews. These methods included an attempt at retroactive taxation on restituted Jewish property that had been aryanized during the Nazi period; Jews, for example, who in 1951 received back former property that had been aryanized in 1938, were expected to pay 13 years worth of back taxes. Ultimately the Allies intervened to block this shameless policy. Lillteicher characterizes the episode as symptomatic of the broader inability of West Germans to come to terms with the immorality of what had been perpetrated before 1945. During the 1950s and 1960s, West German society was not able honestly to confront the participation by [End Page 187] large number of ordinary Germans...

The German reunification (1990) resulted in huge social upheavals in East Germany involving changes in health-care systems. We aimed to assess the changes of dental health between 1989 and 2005, hypothesizing that dental health converged in West and East Germany. We evaluated data from 855 East and 1,456 West Germans aged 35-44 years from the cross-sectional German Oral Health Studies (Deutsche Mundgesundheitsstudien) conducted in 1989/92, 1997, and 2005. Regression models were applied to assess associations between region, survey year, their interactions and variables assessing dental disease status [number of decayed (DT), missing (MT), and filled teeth (FT), the DMFT-index, the probability of having ≤ 20 teeth and the number of sound teeth (ST)], adjusting for potential risk factors for caries. After a slight increase of MT between 1989/92 and 1997 (West: 3.6 to 3.6; East: 4.5 to 4.9), numbers of MT considerably decreased between 1997 and 2005 (West: 3.6 to 2.2; East: 4.9 to 3.1). East Germans had consistently more MT. Numbers of FT, DT, ST, and the DMFT-index equalized at the latest in 2005. The East German DMFT-index increased between 1989/92 and 1997 and slightly decreased between 1997 and 2005, whereas the West German DMFT-index steadily decreased between 1989/92 and 2005. Dental health converged in West and East Germany, but the higher number of MT in 2005 indicates that East Germany was not able to catch up completely with West Germany.

The Journal of Clinical PharmacologyVolume 23, Issue 4 p. 186-188 Dose-Independent Pharmacokinetics of Intravenous Lidocaine in Humans HERMAN R. OCHS M.D., Corresponding Author HERMAN R. OCHS M.D. Medizinische Universitätsklinik, Bonn, West Germany, and the Division of Clinical Pharmacology, Tufts—New England Medical Center, Boston, Mass.Medizinische Universitätsklinik, D-5300 Bonn-Venusberg, West Germany.Search for more papers by this authorMARTIN KNÜCHEL M.D., MARTIN KNÜCHEL M.D. Medizinische Universitätsklinik, Bonn, West Germany, and the Division of Clinical Pharmacology, Tufts—New England Medical Center, Boston, Mass.Search for more papers by this authorDARRELL R. ABERNETHY M.D., Ph.D., DARRELL R. ABERNETHY M.D., Ph.D. Medizinische Universitätsklinik, Bonn, West Germany, and the Division of Clinical Pharmacology, Tufts—New England Medical Center, Boston, Mass.Search for more papers by this authorDAVID J. GREENBLATT M.D., DAVID J. GREENBLATT M.D. Medizinische Universitätsklinik, Bonn, West Germany, and the Division of Clinical Pharmacology, Tufts—New England Medical Center, Boston, Mass.Search for more papers by this author HERMAN R. OCHS M.D., Corresponding Author HERMAN R. OCHS M.D. Medizinische Universitätsklinik, Bonn, West Germany, and the Division of Clinical Pharmacology, Tufts—New England Medical Center, Boston, Mass.Medizinische Universitätsklinik, D-5300 Bonn-Venusberg, West Germany.Search for more papers by this authorMARTIN KNÜCHEL M.D., MARTIN KNÜCHEL M.D. Medizinische Universitätsklinik, Bonn, West Germany, and the Division of Clinical Pharmacology, Tufts—New England Medical Center, Boston, Mass.Search for more papers by this authorDARRELL R. ABERNETHY M.D., Ph.D., DARRELL R. ABERNETHY M.D., Ph.D. Medizinische Universitätsklinik, Bonn, West Germany, and the Division of Clinical Pharmacology, Tufts—New England Medical Center, Boston, Mass.Search for more papers by this authorDAVID J. GREENBLATT M.D., DAVID J. GREENBLATT M.D. Medizinische Universitätsklinik, Bonn, West Germany, and the Division of Clinical Pharmacology, Tufts—New England Medical Center, Boston, Mass.Search for more papers by this author First published: April 1983 https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1552-4604.1983.tb02723.xCitations: 11AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume23, Issue4April 1983Pages 186-188 RelatedInformation

The following analysis focuses on how the nuclear powers of the west were able to prevent the spread of nuclear weapon possession among their allies within the wider framing of the east-west conflict and by multilateralizing the issue - or the eventual solution - through NATO. Although the article looks into history, away from the grey of today's nonproliferation problems into the clear-cut past of the east -west conflict with its undisputed definition of friends and foes, some of its findings also point to current problems bedevilling NATO policies in this field.In the 1960s, the key challenge to a successful nonproliferation strategy within the western alliance was the question of West German possession of nuclear weapons. East and West Germany provided welcome manpower in the unfolding Cold War within their respective pacts, but the legacies of Hitler's Reich meant that they both remained on constant probation. For West Germany, this meant reliance upon American, British, and (later) French nuclear weapons. However, such dependence, combined with the likely use of nuclear weapons in a future war, brought about profound feelings of vulnerability and exposure in West Germany. This in turn encouraged various West German schemes designed to gain access to nuclear weaponry and nuclear planning so as to have a more central role in, and control over, the deterrence game.In the light of this very real interest, and considering the growing political influence of Bonn within the west, West Germany's financial strength as well as its undisputed technological capability to provide both up-to-date delivery vehicles and enriched nuclear material for warheads, a whole raft of questions arise: why did West Germany never acquire nuclear weapons? What made it possible for this nuclear abstention to be maintained throughout the various stages ofthe east-west conflict until 1989-90 and beyond? And what were the ingredients that made for the sustainability of this arrangement? While the core deal for a non-nuclear West Germany was struck between Washington and Bonn, it was enacted through the nonproliferation treaty and NATO. The framing for the continuation of West Germany's (non)nuclear status proved to be key for the limitation ofthe spread of nuclear weapons within the western alliance - and maintaining it became an ongoing task and even a raison d'etre for NATO itself.While many of these questions may remind the reader of today's dilemmas, the following is a historiographical analysis. As such, it will lead the reader through various - albeit selective - historical stages: the 1950s with the watershed year of 1957; the realization of a meaningful treaty on nonproliferation, including the signature of West Germany, in November 1969; the nuclear threats and dilemmas of 1977-78 leading up to NATO's dual-track decision; and a brief outlook on 1989-90 and Germany's position and choices regarding nuclear weapons today. Finally, the article will try to square some aspects of this particular nuclear history with the stillpreliminary thoughts on sustainable developed by an interdisciplinary research group convened by James Der Derian and Costas Constantinou, which focuses on the virtues and limitations of traditional diplomacy and the necessary wider - regional, economical, ecological, ideological, religious, etc. - framing for long-lasting arrangements.1THE SILENT OPTION: BONN'S NUCLEAR POLICIES IN THE 1950SThroughout the early and mid-1950s both the military and political leadership in West Germany paid little if any attention to nuclear weapons. In the Himmeroder Denkschrift - the founding document of what was to become the Bundeswehr - nuclear weapons were hardly mentioned at all and certainly not as a desirable option for the West Germans. Instead, West German generals busied themselves with rethinking their plans for large tank battles, developed in rather less fortunate times. Meanwhile, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer even seemed to hope that the Soviet Union would develop its own nuclear weaponry as quickly as possible, as this would virtually rule out the possibility of war. …

BackgroundHealth and social conditions vary between West and East Germany.MethodsWe analyzed annual mortality data of all recorded deaths caused by lung, colorectal, breast and prostate cancer in Germany as they are published by the Federal Bureau of Statistics (FBS) encompassing the period 1980–2014 for former West Germany (WG) and 1990–2014 for former East Germany (EG). To compare East and West Germany we computed the ratio of the mortality rates in both parts (mortality rate ratio, MRR, <1 indicates a lower mortality in EG). Forecasting methods of time series analyses were applied (model selection based on the Box/Jenkins approach) to predict 5-year trends until 2019.ResultsLung cancer: In women mortality rose in both regions (WG: +2.8%, 1991–2014, EG: +2.2%, 1990–2014). In men mortality in WG declined between −2.1% and −1.2%, and by −2.7% (1993–2009) in EG which was followed by a plateau. Colorectal cancer: A decline was found in both WG (−3.1%, 1993–2014) and EG women (−3.8%, 1993–2008 and −2.0%, 2008–2014). A decline in EG men since 1992 (−0.9%, 1992–1997 and −2.3%, 1997–2014) mirrors the development in WG (−2.6%, 1995–2014). Breast cancer: Constant mortality decline in WG after 1996. In EG a decline (−2.4%, 1992–2007) was followed by a plateau with an MRR <1 (1990–2014). Prostate cancer: In WG a decline (−3.4%) came to a hold after 2007, while there was a constant decline of 1.5% in EG. The forecast indicated that mortality of colorectal/lung cancer in men and breast cancer reaches a plateau in future years.ConclusionCourses of mortality were similar between East and West, while existing differences are likely to remain in the near future.

A substantial amount of literature dealing with conceptualisations of the nation has neglected the importance that gender and the politics of reproduction play in the construction of national identities. Analysing images of political campaigns and activists as well as public discourses on motherhood, abortion and childcare, I will illustrate the importance that gender and sexuality assumed in German nation-building projects before and after its unification in 1990. After 1949, East and West German ideas of nationhood were premised on opposing ideas of gender roles, in that politicians within these two German nations mobilised distinct gender identities to assert their respective political system as superior and progressive. While in East Germany, the progressiveness of the socialist project was measured along the lines of women’s integration into the labour force; in West Germany, the idea that a woman’s identity was primarily rooted in motherhood played an influential role in nationalist discourses. Once East and West Germany reunified in 1990, these opposing ideas of gender roles clashed. This became particularly visible in the context of political debates around abortion and childcare. An analysis of these debates suggests that the “new” unified German nation was premised upon a story in which the West German idea of the housewife-breadwinner model prevailed. This was diametrically opposed to what was framed as the East German “woman-worker” who had free access to abortion, and was abjected as immoral and backward. Analysing how such a national story was constructed is highly valuable, as it elucidates the ways in which gender has become a constitutive and structural element in the nation-building process of unified Germany to the present day.

This article analyses some of the causes of the emergence and the stability of monopolies of representation of industrial unions in competition with sectional interest associations of specific occupational groups. As its empirical point of reference, the article takes the trade union systems in the railway industries of Great Britain and West Germany. In both countries, there are three railway unions whose areas of jurisdiction largely correspond to each other cross-nationally: one industrial union, one union of loco motive engine drivers, and one union for administrative staff. However, while in West Germany the proportion of the industrial union (GdED) in the total number of unionized railway workers increases at the expense of the sectional competitors, in Great Britain it has for a long time been declining. This divergent development of two otherwise similar trade union systems — a development which in Great Britain has led to the establishment of three sectional monopolies of representation, while in West Germany it is leading to the formation of one inclusive monopoly — is explained by three factors: — the presence in West Germany, and the absence in Great Britain, of a formally union-independent, statutory system of interest representation at the workplace with distinct, legally guaranteed rights of codetermination (Works Constitution); — the fact that in West Germany the workers represented by the two sectional unions are Beamte and thus do not have the right to take industrial action; and — the occupational structure which in West Germany permits higher interoccupational mobility, thus rendering the establishment of sectional interest associations more difficult.

Departmentof Pharmacology, University of Bern, Bern, SwitzerlandKey words: atopic dermatitis; clinical features;constitutional dermatitis; epidemiology; extrinsictype; immunopathology; intrinsic type.Prof. Dr B. Wu¨thrichAllergy Unit, Department of DermatologyUniversity Hospital8091 ZurichSwitzerlandAccepted for publication 22 March 2001

The end of the Cold War and German unification have brought about a more complete treatment of the Nazi past in Germany, one that includes the perpetrators of the Holocaust. Since the early 1990s, perpetrators have increasingly become a part of the discourse about the Nazi past, in historiography as well as in fictional literature. I would argue, however, that perpetrators have been part of the cultural memory of (West) Germany since the first post-war decades. Many dramatists wrote plays that included Nazi perpetrators as characters and, in doing so, confronted Germans with this difficult and suppressed memory. One of these was Erwin Sylvanus, who wrote Dr. Korczak and the Children in 1957 in order to challenge his contemporaries’ faulty memory of their difficult past. With his play, Sylvanus countered their strategies of distancing themselves from the crimes of the Holocaust and from those who committed them. Employing a Pirandellian technique, he presented Germans with a Nazi character who reminded them that the perpetrators had come from out of their midst and were still with them in the present. After its world premiere in 1957, the play was performed in West Germany numerous times in the late 1950s and early 1960s. An examination of newspaper reviews written in response to these stagings reveals, however, that the playwright’s attempt at stimulating more critical self-reflection in discourse about the Nazi past was largely unsuccessful. The majority of reviewers interpreted the productions as a memorial to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust, and they saw these performances as celebrating the spirit of humanism exemplified in the play by the character of Janusz Korczak. This reception illustrates Germans’ conflicted struggle with remembering the perpetrators’ experience and highlights the role of the media in the construction of cultural memory.

Population trends, employment levels, economic performance, and income evolution in East and West Germany since unification

The concept of totalitarianism was a more complex and analytically fruitful term than many of its critics suggested. In the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) after 1949 it figured prominently in efforts to confront the realities of radical anti‐Semitism and the Holocaust. In the German Democratic Republic (GDR or East Germany), the dismissal of the concept went hand in hand with an official anti‐fascism that gave only modest attention to the specifics of Nazism's anti‐Jewish hatreds. The essay examines key figures and texts of the founding era of the political culture of both West and East Germany such as Konrad Adenauer, Kurt Schumacher, Theodor Heuss, in the West, and Walter Ulbricht and Paul Merker in the East. The concept of totalitarianism enjoyed a certain renaissance in post‐1989 Germany as scholars sought to compare and contrast the Nazi with the Communist dictatorship. While such post‐1989 examinations revealed a great deal about the East German regime, important elements of the anti‐Zionist and at times anti‐Semitic dimensions of the Communist dictatorship received short less attention. In some commentaries about the Communist past, a desire for reconciliation between the previously divided states displaced a willingness to look at this particular aspect of the GDR. While there were crucial differences between the Nazi and the Communist dictatorships, both were variants on a continuum of totalitarian rule.

Comparing environmental behaviors in the United States, Canada, Germany, and the Czech Republic, this article examines the contextual- and individual-level determinants of private and public environmental actions. The analysis uses survey data collected by the International Social Survey Program in 1993, 2000, and 2010, and shows that private behavior is the most common in West and East Germany followed by Canada, the Czech Republic, and the United States. Public behavior, on the other hand, is the most common in Canada followed by West Germany, the United States, East Germany, and the Czech Republic. The comparison over time reveals that public behavior has decreased and converged at a lower level while private behavior has increased. In terms of individual-level determinants, both private and public behaviors are influenced by similar environmental attitudes, but different sociodemographic characteristics.

Unionization in Germany has declined considerably during the last two decades. We estimate the impact of socioeconomic and workplace-related variables on union membership by means of Chamberlain-Mundlak correlated random effects probit models, using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel. Drawing on the estimates, we project net union densities (NUD) and analyze the differences between East and West Germany, as well as the corresponding changes in NUD over time. Nonlinear Blinder-Oaxaca-type decompositions show that changes in the composition of the work force have only played a minor role for the deunionization trends in West and East Germany. In West-East comparison, differences in the characteristics of the work force reflect a lower quality of membership matches in East Germany right after German unification.