News about the EU Constitution

The American public holds mixed views about the desirability of government action to combat childhood obesity. The framing of coverage by news media may affect citizens' views about the causes of childhood obesity and the most appropriate strategies for addressing the problem. We analyzed the content of a 20% random sample of news stories on childhood obesity published in 18 national and regional news sources in the United States over a 10-year period (2000-2009). News media coverage patterns indicated that by 2003, childhood obesity was firmly on the news media's agenda and remained so until 2007, after which coverage decreased. We identified changes in news media framing over time and significant differences according to news source. News coverage of causes of childhood obesity that were linked to the food and beverage industry increased in the early years of the study but then decreased markedly in later years. Similarly, mention of solutions to the problem of childhood obesity that involved restrictions on the food and beverage industry followed a reverse U-shaped pattern over the 10-year study period. News stories consistently mentioned individual behavioral changes most often as a solution to the problem of childhood obesity. Television news was more likely than other news sources to focus on behavior change as a solution, whereas newspapers were more likely to identify system-level solutions such as changes that would affect neighborhoods, schools, and the food and beverage industry.

Risk-based approaches to AI governance often center the technological artifact as the primary focus of risk assessments, overlooking systemic risks that emerge from the complex interaction between AI systems and society. One potential source to incorporate more societal context into these approaches is the news media, as it embeds and reflects complex interactions between AI systems, human stakeholders, and the larger society. News media is influential in terms of which AI risks are emphasized and discussed in the public sphere, and thus which risks are deemed important. Yet, variations in the news media between countries and across different value systems (e.g. political orientations) may differentially shape the prioritization of risks through the media's agenda setting and framing processes. To better understand these variations, this work presents a comparative analysis of a cross-national sample of news media spanning 6 countries (the U.S., the U.K., India, Australia, Israel, and South Africa). Our findings show that AI risks are prioritized differently across nations and shed light on how left vs. right leaning U.S. based outlets not only differ in the prioritization of AI risks in their coverage, but also use politicized language in the reporting of these risks. These findings can inform risk assessors and policy-makers about the nuances they should account for when considering news media as a supplementary source for risk-based governance approaches.

This thesis addresses contemporary debates in the sociology of science, the sociology of media and the public understanding of science by examining the UK television and print media coverage of three substantive scientific issues. The first case study follows the debate as to whether a Martian meteorite (ALH 84001) provided evidence of ancient bacterial life-forms that could prove primitive life had once existed on Mars. The second case study tracks the use of cell nucleus replacement to “clone” mammals. The third case study examines the scientific and political controversy over the existence, symptoms, causes and response to “Gulf War syndrome”. The empirical research employed methodologies developed at the Glasgow Media Group, providing a comparative analysis of the production, content and reception of news media coverage of the case studies. The methods included interviews with scientists, journalists, media professionals and interest groups, a two-year content analysis of press and television news and focus group interviews. The content analysis discovered that media coverage of the case studies was extensive, unevenly distributed over time and emphasised scientific and science-based controversy as news values. The production analysis highlighted the importance of the interaction between scientific institutions and the media. For example, science journalists regularly draw on scientific journals as credible source material. The scientific community actively maintained this situation through information subsidies as a way of generating science news. The reception analysis demonstrated that news media, especially television news, provided an important source of information for audience members. Audience members were active consumers of science news, based on their education, gender, age and personal experience of science. Motivation to consume science news was also a key factor for audience members, varying according to the scientific issue being covered by the media. Overall, this thesis has highlighted the contested interactions that construct and interpret news media coverage of science. By analysing these complex interactions, this thesis contributes to contemporary concerns about the public presentation of science.

Political agenda setting is the part of agenda-setting research that refers to the influence of the media agenda on the agenda of political actors. More precisely, the central question of political agenda-setting research is whether political actors adopt the issue agenda of the news media in various aspects ranging from communicating about issues that are prominently discussed in the news media to prioritizing issues from the news media agenda in political decision making. Although such effects have been studied under different labels (agenda building, policy agenda setting) for several decades, research in this field has recently increased significantly based on a new theoretical model introducing the term political agenda setting. Studies based on that model usually find effects of media coverage on the attention political actors pay to various issues, but at the same time point to a number of contingent conditions. First, as found in research on public agenda setting, there is an influence of characteristics of news media (e.g., television news vs. print media) and issues (e.g., obtrusive vs. unobtrusive issues). Second, there is an influence of characteristics of the political context (e.g., government vs. oppositional parties) and characteristics of individual politicians (e.g., generalists vs. specialists). Third, the findings of studies on the political agenda-setting effect differ, depending on which aspects of the political agenda are under examination (e.g., social media messages vs. political decision making).

Offline: Standing down for patients

Drawing on a content analysis of television news and newspapers during the 2015 UK General Election along with semi-structured interviews with the heads and/or senior editors of news or politics from each broadcaster examined, we explore the intermedia agenda-setting influence of the national press during the campaign. Overall, we found similar policy-orientated agendas, with more stories emanating from right-wing newspapers and moments when front-page splashes dominated television news coverage. Many broadcasters were editorially comfortable with covering stories originating from newspapers if further context was supplied. Our findings do not point towards any deliberate political bias among broadcasters. We suggest instead that a range of structural constraints and professional routines encouraged broadcasters to feed off stories that were more likely to be supplied by right-leaning newspapers. Since news values are not politically neutral, we argue that if journalists or editors routinely rely on newspapers to help shape the political agenda it compromises their ability to make impartial judgements about news selection. Combining quantitative and qualitative analysis, we conclude, could help to better understand the editorial processes behind the selection of news and to more carefully interpret intermedia agenda-setting than large N studies can supply.

Cervical cancer is the fourth most common cancer among females in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) with an estimated incidence of 7.4 per 100,000 persons per year. In March 2008, the Health Authority of Abu Dhabi launched a free school-based campaign to provide all female Emirati students aged 15-17 years in the emirate of Abu Dhabi with the human papillomavirus vaccine (HPVV). Despite the proven efficacy of the HPVV in clinical trials, there has been limited research exploring the acceptance of this vaccine within a conservative Islamic society. The media plays a key role in changing beliefs and attitudes toward specific public health initiatives, such as vaccination programs. The primary aim of this study was to explore the content and communication style of the UAE newspapers (both Arabic and English) before, during, and after the HPV vaccination program. A systematic literature search was conducted on six national newspapers with the highest circulation figures in the UAE (Arabic: Al Ittihad, Al Khaleej, and Emarat El Youm; English: Khaleej Times, The National, and Gulf News) to retrieve articles related to cervical cancer prevention from January 2000 to May 2013. One bilingual researcher (Arabic-English) utilized content analysis to study the subject matter of communication in each article. A total of 79 newspaper articles (N = 31 Arabic) were included in the study. Content analysis coding revealed five main themes: (i) "HPV Screening or Vaccination Programmes in the UAE" (N = 30); (ii) "Cervical Cancer Statistics in the UAE" (N = 22); (iii) "Aetiology of Cervical Cancer and HPVV Efficacy" (N = 12); (iv) "Cultural Sensitivity and Misconceptions Surrounding HPVV in School-Aged Females" (e.g., promoting promiscuity) (N = 8); and (v) "Cost-Effectiveness, Efficacy, and Safety" (N = 7). The UAE media is playing an important role in raising public awareness about cervical cancer and specific governmental health initiatives such as the HPVV program. Governmental health authorities may want to consider collaborating with the UAE media to develop a communication strategy to reduce the fears and misconceptions surrounding HPVV. Improved parental and adolescent knowledge on the HPVV may lead to increased acceptance and uptake in the UAE society.

This article operationalizes an agenda-setting model for research in public relations issue monitoring. Using adaptations of Manheim's (1987) content dimensions of the media agenda, content analysis strategies are developed for each of the 3 main variables of: (a) agenda issue salience (audience perceived issue importance), (b) valence (positive, negative, or neutral media portrayal), and (c) visibility (amount of media coverage). Using a mathematical model and valuing each variable judgmentally or empirically as +1, 0, or -1 and based on suggested operationalizations of each of the 3 media agenda variables. 27 media agenda situations are developed (a 3 x 3 x 3 factorial design). The interaction of the 3 media agenda variables yields a weighted media agenda value of +3 to -3 describing a range of 7 possible media agenda content states (MACS). The 27 descriptive scenarios and the 7 MACS could assist public relations practitioners in diagnosing media agenda content and managing strategy and tactics based on...

Cancer receives a great deal of news media attention. Although approximately half of all US patients with cancer die of their illness or of related complications, it is unknown whether reports in the news media reflect this reality. To determine how cancer news coverage reports about cancer care and outcomes, we conducted a content analysis of US cancer news reporting in 8 large-readership newspapers and 5 national magazines. Trained coders determined the proportion of articles reporting about cancer survival, cancer death and dying, aggressive cancer treatment, cancer treatment failure, adverse events of cancer treatment, and end-of-life palliative or hospice care. Of 436 articles about cancer, 140 (32.1%; 95% confidence interval [CI], 28%-37%) focused on survival and only 33 (7.6 %; 5%-10%) focused on death and dying (P < .001, chi(2) test). Only 57 articles (13.1%; 10%-17%) reported that aggressive cancer treatments can fail, and 131 (30.0%; 26%-35%) reported that aggressive treatments can result in adverse events. Although most articles (249 of 436 [57.1%]; 95% CI, 52%-62%) discussed aggressive treatments exclusively, almost none (2 of 436; [0.5%]; 0%-2%) discussed end-of-life palliative or hospice care exclusively (P < .001, chi(2) test), and only a few (11 of 436 [2.5%]; 1%-6%) discussed aggressive treatment and end-of-life care. News reports about cancer frequently discuss aggressive treatment and survival but rarely discuss treatment failure, adverse events, end-of-life care, or death. These portrayals of cancer care in the news media may give patients an inappropriately optimistic view of cancer treatment, outcomes, and prognosis.

Any activity that might result in exposure of a population to contaminants requires communication of the associated risks. This communication is complicated by several factors including public perceptions, distrust, uncertainties in risk assessment and news media. These factors are especially prominent in communication of risks from ionizing radiation. A number of guidelines about the communication of risks related to radiation exposures have been made by national and international authorities and other stakeholders. The present paper investigates whether those guidelines were followed and evaluates how the radiation risk related information was presented in European newspapers and Russia in the aftermath of the Fukushima accident. It examines the use of measurement units and risk comparisons, the quality of the statements on radiation risk related issues and the use of visual materials in 1340 newspaper articles from Belgium, Italy, Norway, Russia, Slovenia and Spain. Our results indicated several misinterpretations and misrepresentations of radiological risks in the newspaper articles. We also show an inconsistency in the information that was reported with advice provided to risk communicators (e.g. authorities and experts) in the guidelines. The results suggest that risk communicators should improve their communication practices regarding radiological risks, in order to improve emergency management response.

Günümüzde çok önemli bilgi platformu haline gelen internetin, COVID-19 pandemisinde kitlelerin bilgilendirilmesinde kullanılması hedeflenmektedir. Çalışmada, yerli ve yabancı internet gazetelerinde COVID-19 ile ilgili yer alan haberlerin kategorileri ve sağlık haberlerinin konularına göre dağılımlarının nicelik ve nitelik yönünden incelenmesi amaçlandı. Çalışmada 17.01.2020 ile 10.03.2020 tarihleri arasında en çok tıklanan üç yerli ve üç yabancı internet gazetesinde yer alan 12.829 haber içerik analizi yöntemi ile incelendi. Tüm haberler içerisinde dördüncü sırada olan sağlık kategorisinde yer alan haberler (n=768; %5,50) içerik açısından analiz edilip, ele aldığı konulara göre kategorilendirildi. Günlük ortalama haber sayısının yerli gazetelerde 6’ncı haftada, yabancı gazetelerde 6 ve 7’nci haftalarda istatiksel olarak anlamlı artış gösterdiği saptandı. Sağlık kategorisindeki haberlerde ise yerli gazetelerde 7’nci ve yabancı gazetelerde 6’ncı haftada anlamlı artış görüldü. Tüm haberlerin dağılımı incelendiğinde ilk sırada ‘’dünya’’ (n=5628; %43,9) ve 4. sırada ise ‘’sağlık‘’ (n=818; %6,40) kategorisindeki haberler yer almaktaydı. Sağlık haberlerinin konusuna göre dağılımında ise en çok sayıda haberin ‘’koruyucu önlem’’ (n=115; %59), en az sayıda haberin ‘’tedavi’’ kategorisinde (n=152; %19,8) olduğu tespit edildi. Sonuç olarak internet gazeteleri sağlık otoriteleri ile eşgüdümle çalıştıklarında pandemi kontrolünde önemli görevler üstlenebilirler.

Going Dark

The role of the media in the creation of distrust is much debated in political communication. Will negative news, for example, relentless attacks on political authorities, result in political cynicism or in a stimulation effect? By and large the media may stimulate political participation,but it is less clear when negative news will nullify this effect. Negative news may not only have short-term behavioral effects but also effects on underlying attitudes such as trust in politicians, which may produce their “sleeper effect” on political behavior only in the long run. This article addresses two related research questions.Will negative news discourage trust in political leaders? Will trust have a sleeper effect for future party choice and future turnout within the months to come? The 2002 Dutch election campaign,being an unprecedented negative campaign as compared to other Dutch campaigns, provides a good case to investigate these questions. On the basis of a biweekly seven-wave panel survey study and a daily content analysis of television news and newspapers,negative news was found to have a significant effect on trust in party leaders in addition to prior vote preference and education.The distrust in party leaders also had a significant sleeper effect in the long run on turnout and on the actual vote in addition to previous intentions.In general,these findings support the malaise theory. They are helpful to explain why the Christian Democrats could win the elections in defiance of the polls.

The 1962 publication of Rachel Carson's Silent Spring vaulted pesticide risks to a prominent place on the media agenda. This article reports on a study of the relative weight of attention given by the New York Times to alarming or reassuring messages about pesticides in the immediate aftermath of Silent Spring. Theoretically, it uses a combination of inductive and deductive approaches to explain the empirical findings. Three models of media coverage are examined: conflict theory, sensationalism, and problem frame. These models are employed chronologically as analysis revealed a complicated pattern of coverage which first highlighted, then downplayed, risk.

This study investigates whether the Chinese media agenda—as reflected in the news items published in the Beijing and Shanghai news websites of sina.com.cn, the country’s largest news site—is reflected in the public agenda or what Beijing and Shanghai residents consider to be the most important issues in the country over a four-month period. It also examined how China’s hosting of the Olympic games ranked as a particular issue in the media agenda and its relationship with the issue’s position in the public’s list of the most important issues facing the nation. The correlation between the valence or orientation of the news stories with the public’s attitude about the games was also investigated. This study adopts the traditional agenda-setting methodology, which involves the combined methods of content analysis to determine the media agenda and a public survey to determine the public agenda. First, the media agenda and the public agenda were explored separately. Then, the prioritization of issues in the two agendas as well as the media valence and public’s attitude toward the country’s hosting of the 2008 Olympiad were compared. The findings indicate that the websites in both cities highlight similar topics and that the coverage toward the Olympics was positive. Items comprising the priority list of issues in the public agenda of Beijing and Shanghai were also found to closely resemble each other. The respondents in both cities showed positive attitudes about the country’s hosting of the 2008 Olympiad. In each city, the media agenda partly corresponded to the public agenda. They differed, however, in terms of the extent to which some of the topics occupied the agenda. The orientation of the media coverage about the Olympics and the public’s attitude about hosting the games were both positive. The public attitude about the games, however,