Os intelectuais e a questão nordestina

Mission und Sklaverei. Die Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine und die Sklavenemanzipation in Britisch- und Dänisch-Westindien

BackgroundSince obesity in urban women is prevalent in Kenya the study aimed to determine predictors of overweight and obesity in urban Kenyan women.MethodsA cross-sectional study was undertaken in Nairobi Province. The province was purposively selected because it has the highest prevalence of overweight and obesity in Kenya.A total of 365 women aged 25–54 years old were randomly selected to participate in the study.ResultsHigher age, higher socio-economic (SE) group, increased parity, greater number of rooms in the house, and increased expenditure showed greater mean body mass index (BMI),% body fat and waist circumference (WC) at highly significant levels (p <0.001). Most of the variance in BMI was explained by age, total physical activity, percentage of fat consumed, parity and SE group in that order, together accounting for 18% of the variance in BMI. The results suggest that age was the most significant predictor of all the dependent variables appearing first in all the models, while parity was a significant predictor of BMI and WC. The upper two SE groups had significantly higher mean protein (p <0.05), cholesterol (p <0.05) and alcohol (p <0.001) intakes than the lower SE groups; while the lower SE groups had significantly higher mean fibre (p <0.001) and carbohydrate (p <0.05) intakes. A fat intake greater than 100% of the DRI dietary reference intake (DRI) had a significantly greater mean BMI (p <0.05) than a fat intake less than the DRI.ConclusionsThe predictors of overweight and obesity showed that urbanization and the nutrition transition were well established in the sample of women studied in the high SE groups. They exhibited a sedentary lifestyle and consumed a diet high in energy, protein, fat, cholesterol, and alcohol and lower in fibre and carbohydrate compared with those in the low SE groups.

Architecture and interior design not only represent aesthetic and functional aspects, but also act as tools for constructing identity, power, and social class. This study analyzes Nyai Ontosoroh's house in Pramoedya Ananta Toer's novel Bumi Manusia as a representation of social class ambiguity and spatial symbolism in the colonial context of the Dutch East Indies. Through an interdisciplinary approach between literary studies, architecture, and postcolonial theory, this paper explores how the physical form of the house, the division of space, and interior elements become a means of resistance against colonial and patriarchal social structures. Nyai's Indisch-style house, complete with a garden, a carpeted attic, a spacious living room, and a luxurious bathroom, not only reflects high social status, but also becomes an arena for negotiating gender and racial identities. The results of the analysis show that the domestic space in this novel is a "narrative architecture" that contains political and cultural meanings, and reflects a complex and ambivalent colonial reality. This study contributes to the discourse on decolonizing architecture and the importance of reading space as a social text.

Studies have investigated various aspects of how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted college students' well-being. However, the complex relationships between stress and its correlates have received limited attention. Thus, the main objective of this study is to evaluate multiplicative associations between stress and demographic, lifestyle, and other negative emotion factors during the pandemic. We used data from a survey with 2,534 students enrolled in seven U.S. universities and analyzed such data with generalized additive Tobit models and pairwise interaction terms. The results highlighted associations and interactions between myriad factors such as students' social class, income, parental education, body mass index (BMI), amount of exercise, and knowing infected people in the student's communities. For instance, we found that the associations between feeling irritable and sad due to the pandemic were interactive, resulting in higher associated stress for students with higher levels of parents' education. Furthermore, associations between taking precautionary actions (i.e., avoiding travel and large gatherings) and stress varied with the intensity of negative feelings (i.e., sadness and irritability). Considering these interaction terms, the results highlighted a great inequality in pandemic-related stress within low income, lower social class, and higher BMI students. This study is among the earliest that employed a stratified approach with numerous interaction terms to better understand the multiplicative associations between different factors during the COVID-19 pandemic.

In the context of previous work related to linguistic stereotypes and Pygmalion effects, this research describes the relative effect of factors of dialect‐ethnicity, social class, and quality of written compositions on pre‐service elementary teachers’ judgments of children's scholastic success. Analysis of teachers’ semantic differential ratings indicates some relative salience for social class over dialect‐ethnicity and quality of composition. Analysis of interaction effects reveals a complex relationship between these stimulus attributes and teacher judgments. Results are interpreted as being indicative of the likely complexity of teachers’ social perceptions of children and in some opposition to previous assumptions of the more or less unique salience of linguistically mediated social stereotypes.

The chapter investigates the importance that differences in national culture characteristics have in explaining the investment that companies do in collaboration with their supply chain partners. Empirical analysis is based on the fifth round of the International Manufacturing Strategy Survey (IMSS V), through which have been gathered data among 392 companies belonging to 16 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) economies. Two specific cultural traits have been considered: individualism-collectivism and power distance. Results prove evidence of significant and complex relationship between the mentioned cultural characteristics and the amount of investment that a focal company is willing to develop in information sharing with its supply chain partners.

The frequency with which Proust uses the word ‘goût’ (taste) in À la recherche du temps perdu contributes to the patterning or ‘form’ of the novel, while raising questions about social ‘form’. Proust plays with the concept of ‘taste’ or ‘tastes’ in such a way as to interweave the bodily, the historical and the imaginary, constructing scenarios that depend on ‘taste’, variously interpreted, and that are – alternately or simultaneously – comic, quasi-anthropological or poignant (for example, those staging gay eroticism); he also creates puns that draw on both oral and aesthetic meanings of taste/s. Throughout the novel, he depicts the relativism of tastes, the battlegrounds on which these are fought out, and the complex relationship between taste and disgust. (Arguably, in some cases the battlegrounds are peculiarly French, given the political importance of ‘taste’ in the national culture.) Characters such as Albertine, Brichot and the ‘low-life’ Jupien all have their – sometimes unexpected – roles in these taste-wars.

Despite the intuitive relation between national and organizational culture, empirical research relating the two phenomena is sparse. This article compares the national and organizational cultures of India, Brazil, and the USA, uncovering a significant but complex relationship. Clusters are found in all three countries that both systematically replicate and reject national values. Possible reasons for these `isomorphic' and `rejective' responses to national culture are explored and their theoretical implications developed.

The purpose of this study was to achieve the students' mental meaning and their understanding of the university before entering this environment. Therefore, the phenomenological method was used and through analysis of the information we conducted a series of in-depth interviews with 53 undergraduate students from the University of Tehran from social sciences, engineering, basic sciences, law and political science, literature and the humanities and fine arts. The result of the research is a systematic description of the student's mental meaning toward the Iranian university. Communication with other students and the creation of friendly teams and interactions with the opposite sex, people from other cities and different cultures, and spending time and leisure time with them outside the classroom are some of students' perceptions. Students want to raise their social class and earn credit by entering the large and comprehensive university. Despite so many dissatisfaction regarding the dormitory, the positive mental meaning of student is that living in the dormitory can improve personal skills including individual independency, financial management, social interactions, self-recognition and adaptation. Small number of students have the meaning of gaining skill in the University for Future Occupation.

Over the past several decades, modernization theory has offered much insight into the conditions necessary for a democratic transition. Proponents of this theory suggest that a link exists between economic development and a democratic transition. Economic development leads to a stronger middle class that develops a greater interest in politics and places demands upon the government, which may lead to regime concessions and an eventual democratic transition. Emerging research, however, suggests there is a link between economic development and the increase in the interest in politics within the working class. This study seeks to answer the question of how economic development impacts interest in politics across social classes in modern authoritarian states. I use ordered logistical regression to test hypotheses derived from these propositions. The results have important implications for understanding the relationship between economic development and political development.

Social Class, Civil Society, and Political Analysis in Sub-Saharan Africa

Reviewed by: Social Class in the Writings of Mary Hallock Foote James H. Maguire Social Class in the Writings of Mary Hallock Foote. By Christine Hill Smith. Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2009. 248 pages, $34.95. Christine Hill Smith's preface gives a clear outline of the rest of her book: "Using terminology and concepts of class defined by historians, sociologists, political scientists, and literary critics, I analyze Foote's fiction and nonfiction, addressing how she came to think and write as she did. I compare Foote with other writers of her age, delve into her upbringing and literary tastes, and scrutinize how being a woman affected her attitudes toward class" (xii–xiii). Smith sheds light on Foote's novels, stories, letters, and children's literature and also explains how class affected frontier society in the American West. To prepare her readers for her detailed analysis of Foote's writings, Smith's introductory chapter starts with some of the key facts of Foote's life and then briefly discusses topics such as western American stratification, the realism and naturalism of the period, female and male roles, and the controversy over Wallace Stegner's use of Foote's life and writings in his novel Angle of Repose (1971). Although Smith sometimes mistakenly slips into reading Angle of Repose as nonfiction biography instead of as a novel, her comments on the controversy are otherwise fair and sensible. Then, in chapter 1, she extends the discussion of social class to explain Foote's elitist views and "the tensions between her old and new contexts" (26). Smith makes a good guess that Foote's personal insecurity probably reinforced her sense of social exclusivity to such an extent that it "ruled out interaction as peers with people of a different color" and with most people of an ethnic background different from her own (48). Chapters 2 and 3 focus, respectively, on literary allusions and gender roles in Foote's Leadville novels. These earlier novels have received somewhat more attention than Foote's later works. Nevertheless, Smith's discussion adds significantly to our understanding of social tensions in early Leadville. Foote's children's literature is the subject of the fourth chapter; and Smith's perceptive analysis shows that the treatment of social class in Foote's children's stories is very similar to how it appears in her adult fiction. The last two chapters make a major contribution to our understanding of Foote's work and her times. First, Smith says, "The term New Woman came to be used in the 1890s and early twentieth century to describe women who avoided or reinvented marriage and family life and strove to create autonomous lives for themselves working outside the home" (117). Then, by showing that an important character in The Ground-Swell (1919) is a New Woman, Smith gives a new and illuminating reading of Foote's last novel. Smith's closing chapter is about the early correspondence between Foote and her close friend Helena de Kay Gilder. Except for the letters Stegner used and often [End Page 298] altered in Angle of Repose, very little of that correspondence has been published. Smith uses her knowledge of all the letters to advance our understanding of Foote's attitudes and writings. She achieves what she set out to do, and she thereby makes possible a more informed reading of Foote's writings and of Angle of Repose. [End Page 299] James H. Maguire Boulder, Colorado Copyright © 2009 Western Literature Association

Feminist political scientists argue that women's political roles may be best understood in terms of a split between the public and private spheres. Ignoring the private sphere predisposes politicalscience to misunderstanding the complex relationship between gender and politics. Despite interesting advances, mainstream political science does not seriously incorporate this critique and dismisses gender's importance. If political science continues to ignore feminism, it cannot gain a comprehensive understanding of politics. So, while feminist demands may change the discipline significantly, political science should consider feminism more seriously. After considering the dynamics of the relationship between feminism and political science, this article suggests ways to improve the dialogue between feminist and mainstream researchers.

Through the analysis of the development and status quo of cultural creative product design and the analysis of the characteristics of national cultural concepts, the author tries to propose the key points of the national cultural creative product design method from the perspective of internationalization. Using the literature research method, it sorts out the development and current situation of the design concept of cultural and creative products; it also carries out functional classification of cultural and creative products; and it discriminates the concept of national culture; Finally, through the summary of the existing research directions and contents of the combination of national culture and creative product design, it is proposed that from the perspective of internationalization, designers can only accurately convey the image of national culture to users through creative products if they have a deep understanding of all aspects of national culture. Through the grasp of three aspects of emotion, inheritance and interactivity, it can help designers to effectively carry out innovative design of national cultural products from the perspective of internationalization.

Making a Modern American Economy William H. Bergmann (bio) Douglas A. Irwin and Richard Sylla, eds. Founding Choices: American Economic Policy in the 1790s. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011. ix + 353 pp. Figures, tables, maps, bibliographies, contributors, author index, and subject index. $35.00 (paper). In recent years, historians and political scientists have demonstrated renewed interest in the early American national state, prompting a reconceptualization of national government during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It is becoming more difficult to adhere to the notion that the Founding Fathers created a weak and indifferent government. The men who met in Philadelphia in 1787 chafed against the disintegrative potential of internationalism that stymied national governance under the Articles of Confederation. As Max Edling has aptly demonstrated, Federalists were eager state-builders and endorsed a powerful government buttressed by fiscal-military powers. Both historians and political scientists have expanded our understanding of the nationalizing potential of the Constitution by revealing federal efforts to construct national infrastructure projects, the military as an early state-building instrument, and the post office as an institution promoting knowledge diffusion and national culture. “The most significant and lasting tenet of this revisionism,” writes William Novak, “is that the American state is and always has been more powerful, capacious, tenacious, interventionist, and redistributive than was recognized in earlier accounts of U.S. history.”1 With Founding Choices , editors Douglas Irwin and Richard Sylla bring economic perspectives to this conversation. “The economic policy choices of the 1790s,” they insist, “not only established conditions for (and removed constraints on) modern economic growth, but also provided a long-term policy framework that continued to encourage growth, the territorial expansion of the United States, and the country’s influence on world affairs for decades and centuries” (pp. 3–4). The essays included derive from presentations given at a 2009 meeting of the National Bureau of Economic Research, which also orchestrated the publication of the book. Leading economists contributed to the volume, but much of the econometric analysis is kept far simpler than what one might regularly find in the Journal of Economic History, resulting in a [End Page 398] comparatively accessible set of arguments. This makes sense considering that the editors wish to bring attention to economic policy achievements of the Founders beginning in 1789, which, they somewhat reasonably assert, have been neglected in celebratory works on that generation. The first chapter, the whole of part one (“Politics”), offers a familiar historical narrative of political events leading to the 1787 convention, and it provides a framework for understanding the significance of the Constitution from an economic policy perspective. The core argument advanced by Sonia Mittal, Jack N. Rakove, and Barry R. Weingast—the only political scientists represented in the collection—is two-fold. First, a direct effect of the Constitution was the creation of a “common market and the basis for specialization and exchange that emerged over the next two generations” (p. 40). Subsequent national policies solved problems facing the government by tackling national defense and security, improving revenue, implementing a common market, improving financial markets, and facilitating communication. Second, an indirect effect arising from the newly defined relationship between states and the federal government was “market-preserving federalism”—Weingast’s term—which “placed states in competition with one another in the context of policy and tax authority over local goods while requiring them to face the financial consequences of their decisions” (p. 27). These concepts, “common market” and “market-preserving federalism,” act as conceptual themes implicitly threading many of the chapters together and, with some rearrangement, might also have served as organizational devices rather than “Policy” (part two) and “Business Organization and the Factors of Production” (part three). The five essays comprising part two largely wrestle with the implementation of a common market by the national state. Douglas Irwin’s “Revenue or Reciprocity? Founding Feuds over Early U.S. Trade Policy” traces debates about and implementation of trade policies as the early nation struggled to secure revenue. While Irwin suggests that aggressive trade policies endorsed by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison during the 1790s likely would not have had deleterious revenue outcomes for the United States, he argues that...