정책PR이 정책지지, 정부신뢰에 미치는 영향 연구

Trust in government and its antecedents and development remain leading policy and research concerns. Drawing on a broadly representative online survey of 3100 respondents in Japan, we examine measures of trust in three local government actors. We find political participation is not associated with trust in local government, contrary to our expectations. Civic participation is associated with trust in the mayor, but not councillors or administrators. Satisfaction with services provided by local government, and positive perceptions of policy process, are associated with trust, with interactions suggesting process is the stronger antecedent. To develop greater trust in local government, it is important that public sector actors exhibit respect for rights and follow procedure, laws, and regulations, as well as deliver positive outcomes. Points for practitioners Building trust in government remains a key concern for policy makers, as it is related to successful adoption of policies. Trust in local government in Japan is related to perceived performance and citizen satisfaction. Civic participation is also related to some forms of trust in government. However, possibly more important are citizen perceptions that policy processes respect rights, procedures, and laws. To increase trust in government, practitioners need to practice, and show that they practice, good processes in developing and delivering policy, and show that policy leads to better perceived outcomes.

To control the spread of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), governments are increasingly relying on the public to voluntarily manage risk. Effectiveness is likely to rely in part on how much the public trusts the Government's response. We examined the English public's trust in the Conservative Government to control the spread of COVID-19 after the initial 'crisis' period. We analyzed eight rounds of a longitudinal survey of 1899 smartphone users aged 18-79 in England between October 2020 and December 2021. We fitted a random-effects logit model to identify personal characteristics and opinions associated with trust in the Conservative Government to control the spread of COVID-19. Trust was lowest in January 2021 (28%) and highest in March 2021 (44%). Being older, having lower educational attainment and aligning with the Conservative Party were predictors of higher levels of trust. Conversely, being less deprived, reporting that Government communications were not clear and considering that the measures taken by the Government went too far or not far enough were predictors of being less likely to report a great deal or a fair amount of trust in the Government to control the pandemic. Trust in the Government's response was found to be low throughout the study. Our findings suggest that there may be scope to avoid losing trust by aligning Government actions more closely with scientific advice and public opinion, and through clearer public health messaging. However, it remains unclear whether and how higher trust in the Government's response would increase compliance with Government advice.

Governments are always dealing with unexpected shocks, like wars, terrorism, financial crises, natural disasters, and the like. A recent prominent example is the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. Since early 2020, governments around the world have enacted a range of unprecedented measures in an attempt to protect their citizens, with quite mixed results. This varied record has in turn had dramatic effects on peoples’ perceptions of their government, especially on their trust in government and so on their willingness to obey the many government mandates generated by the pandemic. This willingness to obey government mandates extends well beyond pandemic policies to all other dimensions of government laws and regulations. An important dimension of individual compliance with government mandates is tax evasion. What will be the effects of the pandemic and the associated government policies on post-pandemic tax evasion and economic growth, especially via the effects of government policies on “trust” in the government? In this paper we incorporate both tax evasion and trust in an endogenous growth model in order to examine the short and long run impacts on tax evasion of various shocks – a pandemic shock, a government policies shock, and a tax morale shock (and the resulting impact on trust in government). We then use real data on 11 representative economies to simulate these effects, economies representing developed and developing countries as well as economies representing governments that opted for various policy responses to COVID-19, modelled as a labor productivity shock. We find that varied public policy responses to the pandemic have immediate and persistent impacts on tax evasion in the short and long run, largely via their effects on trust in government. We also find that these evasion impacts vary in important and predictable ways that depend especially on whether government dealt effectively or not with the pandemic. Our methodology is readily adapted to examine the effects of other shocks and their respective policy responses on trust in government, tax evasion, and economic growth.

Introduction Effective climate governance requires public support across partisan and institutional divides. Although climate concern, institutional trust, and political ideology are known predictors of environmental attitudes, their combined effects remain insufficiently understood. This study examines how these factors interact to shape support for climate‐related policies. Methods Survey data from 734 residents of the Austin, Texas metropolitan area in 2023 were analyzed using a series of regression models. Independent variables included climate concern and trust in government, nonprofit, and private institutions, with political ideology tested as a moderator. Results Greater climate concern consistently predicted stronger support for climate policies. Institutional trust was also positively associated with policy support. When disaggregated, trust in nonprofit organizations and government institutions significantly increased support, with nonprofit trust showing the strongest association. Trust in private‐sector actors was not significantly related to policy attitudes. Political ideology moderated these relationships: Republicans expressed lower support when institutional trust was low, but the partisan gap narrowed as trust increased. Higher income was associated with lower policy support. Conclusion Climate concern functions as a broad driver of policy support, while institutional trust operates as a conditional mechanism shaping partisan differences. Strengthening institutional legitimacy may help bridge ideological divides in climate governance.

Policies adopted to curb the spread of COVID-19 impose limits on individual freedom and although some citizens have consistently supported containment policy, others have resisted. Beyond political orientation, however, little research has explored the attitudinal basis of support for stringent virus containment policy. We argue that individuals with high levels of public service motivation (PSM) will more readily accept the sacrifices entailed by containment policy and thereby express stronger support for it. Second, we argue that the positive relationship between PSM and containment policy support is both mediated by trust in government and moderated by bureaucratic personality, the latter denoting a favorable orientation towards rules in general. Using a country-wide sample of 568 South Korean citizens collected in the fall of 2021, we estimate a conditional process model of support for COVID-19 policy stringency. We find that PSM has both a direct and indirect relationship with support via trust in government and that the indirect effect is moderated by bureaucratic personality, though not in the expected direction. We also report the results of a post hoc analysis which suggests interesting differences in how individuals evaluate rules that limit individual versus organizational freedom.

Public support for tourism policies is a crucial guarantee for their successful implementation, but current academic research on this topic still requires further exploration. This paper takes the policy of building Hainan into an international tourism and consumption hub as a case study, and based on the “stimulus-organism-response (SOR)” theoretical framework, integrates communication effectiveness theory, cognitive evaluation theory, social exchange theory, and the positive emotion expansion-construction theory to construct a research model with media usage types (official media and social media) as independent variables, tourism policy influence perception and positive emotions as mediating variables, government trust and local identity as moderating variables, and tourism policy support intention as the dependent variable. Through structural equation analysis using SPSS 22.0 and SmartPLS 4 on 1,099 valid questionnaires, the study found that residents generally hold a positive and supportive attitude toward the policy; the use of social media has a greater influence on support willingness than the use of official media; policy benefit perception and positive emotions both exhibit significant mediating and chain mediating effects between media use and policy support willingness; and government trust and local identity exert positive moderating effects on the perception and emotion pathways. This study enriches the research perspective on residents' tourism policy behavior and provides empirical references and practical insights for policy communication and public mobilization.

Political Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning

COVID-19 (coronavirus) and climate change are both global issues that have wide-reaching and serious consequences for human health, the economy, and social outcomes for populations around the world, and both require a combination of systemic governmental policies and community support for action. This paper compares people’s responses to the coronavirus pandemic and climate change in the United Kingdom (UK). A representative survey of the UK population (n = 1,518) conducted in November and December 2020 explored public perceptions of (a) personal and government responsibility, (b) efficacy and trust, and (c) support for policies to address the two issues. The results show that, while there are a number of similarities between coronavirus and climate change, major differences exist regarding individual action. In comparison to the coronavirus pandemic, people feel less personal responsibility, think that their own personal actions are less efficacious, and express lower levels of support for (in particular individual-level) policies to address climate change. These findings suggest that experiences from the coronavirus pandemic cannot directly be translated to climate change, and thus that climate change is likely to require different policy responses and framing.

본 연구는 일본의 ‘책마을 만들기’ 사례 중의 하나인 ‘책마을 하치노헤’를 중심으로 지방소멸과 지역재생의 문제를 진단하고 해결 방안을 제시하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 우리나라는 고령화사회로 진입했고 급속히 초고령사회로 접어들고 있다. 이러한 고령화 문제는 삶의 질이 떨어지고 결과적으로 국가 경쟁력을 약화시킨다. 이러한 문제를 해결하기 위해 중앙정부와 지방정부는 ‘도시재생’과 ‘지역재생’ 사업을 전개하고 있다. 하지만 도시재생 사업은 도시 외관과 시설 등 하드웨어에 집중하고 있고, 문화와 복지처럼 소프트웨어 분야의 문화프로그램에는 지원 정책이 상대적으로 미흡하다. 고령화 정책에서 문화복지 정책은 내적으로 지역민의 삶의 질을 높이고 커뮤니케이션을 강화하는 긍정적인 측면이 있으며, 외적으로 외부 인구의 유입을 촉진하는 매개 역할을 한다. 일본의 소도시 하치노헤는 출판생태계를 활용해 지역 주민에게 문화프로그램을 제공해 성공적인 지역재생의 사례로 재평가 받고 있다. 우리나라의 일부 지역에서 책마을 만들기 사업을 전개하고 있으나 큰 반향을 일으킨 사례가 없고, 지역의 지원 정책도 미흡한 것이 현실이다. 이러한 한계를 극복하기 위해서는 지역주민의 적극적인 관심과 참여, 그리고 지방자치단체의 지속적인 지원과 일관된 정책이 핵심이다. 이러한 측면에서 책마을 하치노헤는 우리나라 지방 도시에 시사하는 바가 크고, 지역소멸을 예방하기 위한 지역재생을 위한 모범적인 사례가 될 것으로 본다.The research aims to diagnose and suggest solutions to the problems of local extinction and regional regeneration, focusing on Hachinohe a book village in Japan, one of Japan s book village. Korea has entered an aging society and is rapidly becoming a post-aged society. This problem of aging decreases the quality of life and consequently undermines national competitiveness. To address these problems, the central and local governments are implementing urban regeneration and regional regeneration projects. However, urban regeneration projects are focused on hardware such as city appearance and facilities, and cultural programs in the software sector, such as culture and welfare, have relatively insufficient support policies. In the policy of aging, the policy of cultural welfare has a positive aspect that internally improves the quality of life of local people and strengthens communication, and externally serves as a medium to promote the influx of outside population. Hachinohe, a small Japanese city, is being reevaluated as a case of successful regional regeneration by providing cultural programs to local residents using the publishing ecosystem. Although some areas in Korea are developing book village-making projects, there have been no cases of major repercussions, and local support policies have been insufficient. To overcome these limitations, the active interest and participation of local residents, and continuous support and consistent policies of local governments are key. In this respect, Hachinohe of Book village has a great implications for the nation s provincial cities, and is an exemplary case for local extinction to prevent local extinction.

This paper assumes that trust is a major issue in the interaction between government, citizens and societal organizations. The central question in this paper relates to the specific determinants of public trust. A survey study is reported ( n = 1019) which focuses on the role of trust in the acceptance of genetically modified (GM) food. Our expectation was that three types of trust: “trust in governance,” “trust in government,” and “trust in NGOs” would be important predictors of the public acceptance of GM food. The data were collected in the summer of 2001 in the context of the formal Dutch public debate on GM food. The results indicate that 42 percent of the respondents do not trust developments in GM food. Only a third of the sample does trust the government with respect to GM food developments. Approximately 50 percent of the respondents express a high level of trust in nongovernmental organizations for this issue. The data further show that trust in governance seems to be an important constraint for the further development of GM food in the Netherlands. With higher levels of trust in governance people have a more positive attitude toward GM food, are more likely to accept it, and are more optimistic about technological developments.

The global climate crisis necessitates transformative policies to address ecological and social challenges. Without public policy acceptance (PPA), policies are generally not adopted. Research on PPA in this context has predominantly focused on individual-level predictors and single-country studies in privileged Euro-American contexts, while leaving the influence of broader socioeconomic structures globally underexplored. The present study adopts a multilevel perspective to investigate how critical structural macro-level variables—such as economic freedom, income inequality, per capita carbon emissions, climate hazards & exposure, trust in government, and democratic governance—shape public support for climate policies. Drawing on a dataset from the International Climate Psychology Collaboration (which included nearly 60,000 individuals across 63 countries), we demonstrate that structural factors significantly influence PPA. Our findings indicate that economic freedom and countries’ per capita emissions negatively predict PPA, thus we argue that neoliberal economic structures and reliance on fossil fuels foster vested interests undermining support for climate action. Conversely, higher levels of income inequality and climate vulnerability are associated with greater PPA, potentially reflecting heightened awareness of environmental risks. Contrary to expectations, trust in government does not exhibit a consistent relationship with PPA. This study underscores the necessity of critically interrogating power relations within socioeconomic structures that sustain resistance to climate policies. This work contributes to a more nuanced understanding of environmental PPA in a diverse global context, advancing pathways for transformative societal change.

PurposeCOVID-19 has made businesses increasingly dependent on technology to be competitive and efficient. Small and medium enterprises (SME) digitalisation and innovation research are widespread. SME digital transformation and innovation require government policies, initiatives and assistance. How the government can help SMEs achieve these goals is unclear. So, this paper aims to investigate how government policy may assist Vietnamese SMEs to boost innovation performance and digital transformation.Design/methodology/approachThe study will take a quantitative approach, with questionnaires distributed to 659 respondents from SMEs in Vietnam through snowball and convenience sampling procedures. The structural equational modelling method is used for data analysis.FindingsThe study indicated that government policies supported Vietnamese SMEs’ innovation and information technology (IT) capabilities. Government policy assistance also boosted IT capabilities and innovation. Furthermore, mediation effects show that digital transformation fully mediates the relationship between innovativeness and firm performance, whereas IT capabilities partially mediate this relationship.Research limitations/implicationsFurther research that replicates the findings and analyses contextual heterogeneities between nations is advised because Vietnam’s pandemic setting was both similar and dissimilar.Practical implicationsThe study demonstrated government-company interactions through supportive policy. It investigated whether SMEs seeking digital transformation and innovativeness might gain competitive benefits by implementing effective knowledge management and enhancing their IT capabilities.Originality/valueA resource-based theoretical framework is extended to study how innovation, public policy and digital transformation for SMEs interact. The study confirms government policy strongly influences enterprises’ digital development. Specifically, the new mediating effects of IT capabilities and digital transformation are explored and provide new insights into the existing literature.

This research article examines the Japanese government's support policies during the COVID-19 pandemic. The government implemented macroeconomic measures, including monetary and fiscal policies, to mitigate the pandemic's adverse effects and support economic recovery. While these policies achieved certain successes, the Japanese economy continues to face significant challenges, such as slow economic growth, a large budget deficit, and rising public debt, which threaten the long-term sustainability of public finances. Additionally, inflation has exceeded target levels, but workers' wages have stagnated, creating financial hardships for many households. Rapid population aging further undermines the sustainability of the social security system, placing additional pressure on public spending, monetary policies, and fiscal strategies. These challenges complicate Japan's efforts to sustain economic growth and uphold living standards.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between citizen participation and the level of trust in government’s decisions and policies; as well as examining the impact of disclosure of information on the level of citizens’ engagement with governments’ projects. In addition, testing the real motives behind Egyptian citizens’ participation in financing national projects. The study is applied to the “New Suez Canal,” which was finished in only one year opposing the three years implementation period suggested by some studies.Design/methodology/approachThe researcher depended on secondary and primary data as well in working on this paper. She used secondary data gathered from scholars and from domestic and international institutions. Then, she conducted a field study and collected data through distributing 384 Likert Scale questionnaires containing 34 self-administered among respondents to test the following: 1. Citizens perceptions regarding the level of trust in government’s decisions and policies. 2. The impact of citizens’ trust on their willingness to participate in governments’ projects. 3. Is ‘public service motivation’ (PSM) behind citizens’ willingness of participating in national projects. 4. Is the ‘high expected profit of Suez Canal Investment Certificates’ behind citizens participation in national projects.FindingsH1 and H2 have been accepted as trust, transparency and citizen participation proved to be important pillars of building a participatory government. Moreover, citizens’ participation in national projects encouraged national and international enterprises to invest in the canal provision. H3 and H4 are accepted and the statistical study revealed dual contradicting results regarding the motive of citizens’ financial participation in the New Suez Canal project. The justification for the contradiction is that right after the 2011 up-rise, Egyptian citizens were overwhelmed with patriot emotions and feelings pushing them to participate in national projects. At the same time this patriot drive was moderated by the “performance-based rewards and citizens” self-interests’ pushed by the Egyptian government (offering a high-interest rate for Suez Canal Certificates at that time). Citizens might be motivated to participate in national projects triggered by many factors: public service drive – patriotism or self-interest.Research limitations/implicationsThe study needs further deeper investigation and empirical pieces of evidence to answer the following questions: would different participatory actions result differently in other circumstances? Do individuals’ levels of PSM vary over time? Besides, the researcher needs to find ways to test PSM against various motives such as self-interest, which needs to be confirmed empirically.Practical implicationsThe author came up with important recommendations for central government and decision-makers in Egypt and is based upon the study’s statistical results. The most important recommendations were: central government and decision-makers should frame a policy designed to promote citizens’ participation in decision-making drawing on the guidelines for civil participation in political decision-making. Decision-makers in the central government should work local and regional authorities to update and improve local and regional regulations concerning the participation of citizens in local public life and promote a culture of democratic participation shared by communities and local authorities. Performance-based rewards (high-interest rate) are moderating the citizens’ public service motivation (PSM – patriot sense) and citizens may be motivated by different factors such as public service drive – patriotism or self-interest.Social implicationsThe study is tackling an important issue, which is civil participation in political decision-making. It is also discussing promoting cultural awareness regarding the importance of democratic participation shared by communities and local authorities. The study came up with certain findings proving Egyptian civil society’s willingness in participating with the government in national projects; believing in its socio-economic benefits.Originality/valueFinally, the study is of value, as it could be considered a pilot study representing the outcomes of citizen participation in national projects; in addition, it can be considered as a road map to policymakers. Moreover, the findings provide a set of recommendations and policies for governments and decision-makers to undertake tangible actions to accelerate citizen participation in further projects and decisions and be able to establish a democratic system in developing countries.

Conventional wisdom holds that climate policies imposing substantial costs on individuals only receive little public support. Policymakers are thus reluctant to implement such policies because they fear a political backlash. However, the specific mechanisms driving low support levels are widely understudied, and experimental evidence is scarce. We argue that support for policies depends on three mechanisms: (i) the policy instrument design, (ii) attitudes towards government, and (iii) individual proximity towards the policy issue. We test our arguments by comparing seven mobility-related policy measures, for which we explain the differences in support due to these three factors. We utilise a nationally representative sample of 2034 Swiss citizens and assess the role of the three mechanisms for public policy support measured in a conjoint experiment. The results suggest that all three mechanisms, policy design, attitudes towards government, and proximity, affect public support. First, we find that respondents show the least support for coercive market-based policies with usage dependent costs. Second, those who trust the government are inclined to support environmental and climate policies. Third, respondents who are the most affected will oppose policies the most. The explorative assessment also suggests that the dimensions are mostly independent of each other. However, proximity and policy measures with usage dependent costs reinforce their adverse effects. Implications for policymakers are manifold: First, considering the backlash from those affected most is of utmost importance to avoid public outcries against policy proposals in times of widespread anti-elitist sentiments. Second, compensations for those affected most might be one way to mitigate the problem at hand.