Respectful Terminology in Archaeological Compliance

Recent state and federal legislation such as the Hate Crimes Prevention Act (HCPA) addresses hate crime prevention and punishment. Two pivotal questions that arise in the development of such legislation are (a) should hate crime perpetrators be subject to penalty enhancements? and (b) should protections be extended to sexual and transgender minority individuals? This article presents two studies addressing these questions employing a two-step vignette methodology. Jury-eligible community members provided sentencing and blame attribution ratings for one of three hate crime scenarios (i.e., anti-African American, antigay, or antitransgender), as well as penalty enhancement agreement (i.e., yes/no) and measures of need for affect (Study 1) and need for cognition (Study 2). Patterns of findings across studies suggest that participants comply with hate crime legislation instructions in general, but sentencing decisions are consistently moderated by whether a participant agrees with the penalty enhancement aspect of hate crime legislation. Moreover, need for affect and need for cognition differentially impact perceptions of hate crimes; need for affect demonstrated predictive associations with victim blame, whereas need for cognition moderated relations with perpetrator sentence and blame judgments. Results are discussed with emphasis on the state of federal hate crime legislation, antigay and antitransgender prejudice, and future directions in research and policy.

108 The press to meet mounting social any of these programs would affect problems, combined with budgetary well over a million people. Other pro cutbacks, elimination of programs, imgrams affect even more recipients. For poundment of funds, and scarce reexample, the 1972 changes in Medicaid sources, makes this a critical period (P.L. 92-603) terminated some bene for social welfare and the social work fits for over 20 million low-income profession. If the profession is to recitizens, and an increase in Medicare main viable, more social workers must fees would affect virtually everyone become active as legislative advocates, over age 65, or about 22 million In this article the term legislative adelderly and disabled people.2 vocate refers to any individual, agency, The largest social welfare program or organization who attempts to influis, of course, social security. If Con ence the course of a bill or other gress makes one change in social se legislative measure. curity benefits, which it does nearly The purpose of this article is threeevery year, that change can directly fold: (1) to present data supporting influence the income of 124 million the assertion that this is indeed a critipeople—30 million beneficiaries and cal and perhaps a pivotal period for 94 million workers (whose payroll tax social work, (2) to discuss factors in would be increased)—well over half the legislative process that set limits on the population.3 the amount of influence one may exDespite a Republican administration pect to exert, including the roles of and the demise of many social pro compromise, time, and rational persuagrams started in the 1960s, important sion, and (3) to examine specific tacwelfare legislation continues to be in tics that may be used—the provision troduced and debated in both federal of timely and relevant information, the and state legislatures. For example, selection of targets of influence, and major federal legislation has been in the use of legislative and administratroduced recently on child develop tive staffs as conduits of influence. ment, health care, the minimum wage, welfare reform, social security, hous NEED FOR ADVOCATES i„g( an(j manpower.4 And thousands The need for involvement of social of bills concerning social welfare are workers in legislative advocacy has introduced each year into the fifty state long been recognized and supported.1 legislatures. Few bills survive the tor However, it is even more critical now tuous legislative process. Some deserve because of three significant factors: to pass, but many are not in the best ( 1 ) The breadth of social legislation interests of the public or do not rep causes even minor changes in policy to resent enlightened social policy. The have a major impact on millions of point is that social change will come people. (2) Much important social about whether or not social workers legislation continues to be introduced are actively involved in the process, each year. Moreover, an ever growing Moreover, federal, state, and local proportion of the budget and national governments allocated 55 percent of resources is being devoted to welfaretheir budgets for welfare activities in type activities, and it is important that fiscal 1973, compared with 42 per social workers have a role in determincent in 1965. Social welfare expendi ing priorities. (3) The lack of a budtures under public programs rose from getary surplus, combined with a slow $52.3 billion in 1960 to $215 billion rate of growth, will make competition in 1972. The proportion of the gross for funds expended on social welfare national product devoted to public so more intense than in the past. cial welfare increased from 11.8 per New legislation can produce widecent in 1965 to 17.6 percent in 1973.5 spread social change for specific segIn short, the public sector's role in ments of the population. For example, financing social welfare is growing in fiscal 1972 there were 17 governrapidly. In addition, decisions affecting mental income-transfer and in-kind social welfare are being made increas programs, each of which had over a ingly in state and federal legislatures, million recipients. Thus a change in Revenue sharing shifts even more deci

T HE RELATIVELY HIGH PROPORTION of lawyers serving in American legislative bodies has long attracted the interest of political scientists. Lawyers now consistently comprise well over one half of the membership of the United States Congress and generally are believed to constitute between one quarter to more than one half of the membership of most state legislative chambers. The practice of law is clearly the predominant occupation among state and federal legislators, and understandably, this descriptive fact has raised questions as to whether lawyer-legislators behave differently than nonlawyer-legislators. Lawyer-legislators do tend to be younger than their nonlawyer colleagues, and appear to be more politically ambitious and more likely to view legislative office as a temporary position useful for either political or private professional advancement.' But empirical

Use of information on inflation, pharmacoeconomics, market introduction of new drug entities, practice-site-specific drug-use patterns, federal legislation, and the changing structure of health care delivery to project drug expenditures is discussed. Drug price inflation has been declining over the past several years, from 6.9% in 1991 to 2.2% for part of 1994. This can be attributed to both the growth of managed care and the industry's fear of government price controls. Pharmaceutical industry analysts project the overall price increase for pharmaceuticals in the next 12-24 months to be 2-5%. Pharmacoeconomic research is likely to become increasingly important; pharmacists will need to understand and critically evaluate this research. Drug budget projections should include a complete review of new drugs and biotechnology agents pending FDA approval, drugs pending approval for new indications, and common unlabeled uses of expensive existing agents. Various methods are available for tracking practice-site-specific drug-use patterns; those that categorize expenditures by diagnosis-related group may underestimate total expenditures associated with treating a given condition. State and federal legislation may affect drug rebates, prices, and ultimately drug expenditures. Although health care reform legislation did not pass in 1994, changes are occurring in both the pharmaceutical industry and in health care delivery, shifting the control of drug selection, utilization, and expenditures from individual prescribers to large purchasers. The accuracy of projections of drug expenditures can be improved by examining inflation, pharmacoeconomic research, the introduction of new drug entities, practice-site-specific drug-use patterns, federal legislation, and the changing structure of health care delivery.

Under Australian constitutional theory and practice the Federal executive is the sole organ for the conduct of international relations and is constitutionally competent to negotiate, conclude and ratify treaties and international agreements binding upon the Australian Commonwealth internationally. The Power to conclude treaties is exercised solely by the Executive of the Australian Commonwealth. In regard to the implementation of treaties Australia adopts the dualist view, i.e., legislation is generally necessary to make treaty provisions operative within municipal law. The implementation of treaties concluded by the federal executive depends, however, on the constitution and the nature of the limits laid down thereby, particularly the federal division of legislative powers between federal and state legislatures. The federal executive is competent to legislate pursuant to treaties and international obligations in cases where the subject-matter of the treaties and obligations falls within legislative competence of the Federal Parliament (i.e., “external affairs” and other subject-matters). On the other hand there is reasonable doubt that the Federal Parliament can clothe itself with legislative authority which is inconsistent with the distribution of legislative powers between federal and state legislatures. As a result, politically if not constitutionally, the implementation of treaties domestically becomes a matter for the states in cases where the Federal Parliament or the Federal Executive is deemed not to have the necessary constitutional powers to enact legislation concerning the subject-matter of a treaty.1

Influencing public policy through advocacy is an essential strategy used by the American Heart Association/American Stroke Association (AHA/ASA) to achieve its health impact goals and programmatic objectives, which include helping all Americans lead healthier lives and reducing the incidence and consequences of cardiovascular disease and stroke. This advocacy work involves and engages the association's national officers, researchers, volunteer advocates, staff, and the general public and is a core strategy and key work process of the AHA/ASA. The organization's strategic approach to influencing public policy and leveraging its science and evidence base is not well known. This article provides the historical context of AHA advocacy, the organizational and legal structure under which these activities are carried out, the process used to develop the association's public policy positions and goals, the approaches used to achieve these goals, and the methods that have been developed to evaluate progress. This statement also examines the various tools and tactics that advocacy organizations use to influence public policy and specifically how the AHA/ASA conducts policy research, legislative and regulatory lobbying, coalition building and grassroots mobilization, and media advocacy. Finally, the ways that AHA/ASA evaluates the impact of its advocacy efforts are discussed, highlighting specific case studies and a brief summary of the association's 2010 to 2013 public policy agenda. The AHA's efforts to translate the science of cardiovascular disease and stroke into meaningful public policy began in earnest in the early 1980s. The association established a full-time office in Washington, DC, in early 1981 that was initially focused on increasing federal research funding administered by the National Institutes of Health.1 Other early policy priorities included tobacco control and support for programs that increased access to automated external defibrillators (AEDs), new clinical preventive benefits in the Medicare program, and nutrition policy. The commitment and involvement of …

Background In the aftermath of the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, in 2012, state legislatures considered a flurry of legislation that would allow school districts to arm their teachers. In at least 15 states such legislation has been signed into law. Parallel to these developments, a lively and at times strident public debate on the appropriateness of arming public school teachers has emerged in the media. Although the two sides of the debate offer illuminating insights into the pitfalls and promises of arming teachers, both tend to focus almost exclusively on the empirical issue of student safety. As a result, the public debate fails to address several central ethical issues associated with arming public school teachers. This article is an effort to pay these issues their due attention. Purpose The purpose of this article is to examine the ethical implications of arming public school teachers. Specifically, the article analyzes three intersecting domains relevant to the ethics of armed teachers: children's rights, educational environments, and the problem of school violence. In doing so, this article seeks to make clear what is morally and educationally at stake when adopting security policies such as arming teachers. Generalizing from this analysis, the article concludes with a deliberative heuristic for educators and policy makers who would like to address school security in a humane and ethically responsible way. Research Design The design of this research conforms to the standards of ethical inquiry and argumentation in education. The article draws heavily on arguments and observations made by teachers, administrators, and educational commentators in the public sphere; state and federal legislation; research in social psychology, psychology, and sociology; and ethical theory. Conclusions The main conclusion resulting from this analysis is that the ethical grounds for arming teachers lack merit. The first half of the article argues that the empirical idiom in which the public debate is often carried out obscures important ethical issues concerning students’ perceptions of safety and the integrity of the school learning environment. In particular, I show that both sides have overlooked the ways in which armed teachers can undermine students’ developmental rights—i.e., their rights to an autonomy-promoting civic education. The second half of the article argues that armed protection transforms the role of both the teacher and student such that the conditions of democratic teaching and learning are seriously endangered. In the final sections, the argument turns to the issue of public fear surrounding school violence and concludes that efforts to prevent school violence may be counterproductive, especially when they are not coupled with larger-scale socioeconomic reforms.

The purpose of this study was to provide vocational and special education personnel baseline data for determining policy research needs. The major objectives of the study were to (a) develop a survey instrument and technique for identifying the policy-related problems confronting state directors of vocational, special, and vocational special needs education and to (b) identify the major policy-related problem areas and problems. The state directors from each of the 50 states, District of Columbia, and surrounding territories identified eight problem areas: interagency cooperation and agreements; funding and fiscal policy; service delivery and program alternatives; personnel preparation; state legislation, plans, and policies; federal legislation and regulations; program evaluation and improvement; and attitudes.

Widespread SARS-CoV-2 vaccine uptake will be critical to resolution of the COVID-19 pandemic. Politicians have the potential to impact vaccine sentiment and uptake through vaccine-related communication with the public. We used tweets (n = 6,201), abstracted from Quorum, a public affairs software platform, to examine changes in the frequency of vaccine-related communication by legislators on the social media platform, Twitter. We found an increase in vaccine-related tweets by legislators following the arrival of SARS-CoV-2 in the United States. In the pre-COVID-19 era the majority of vaccine-related tweets were generated by Democrat and state senators. The increase in tweets following the arrival of COVID-19, however, was greater among Republican and federal legislators than Democrat or state legislators. This suggests that legislators who were previously less engaged in public discussion of vaccination, became engaged following the arrival of SARS-CoV-2, which may have implications for COVID-19 vaccine uptake among their followers.

Introduction. Texas is an economically powerful region of the United States, where the circulation of drugs is subject to legal protection, strictly regulated by both federal and state legislation. Such protection is aimed at carefully monitoring each stage of the drug supply chain to the end consumer to ensure the safety and effectiveness of drugs. Aim. The article aims to clarify the features of drug circulation as an object of legal protection under the legislation of Texas (USA) and to determine the relationship between the norms of federal legislation regulating such circulation and the norms of the legislation of Texas. Materials and methods. This research is based on US law, which belongs to the common law system. The Constitution of the United States and the United States Code, including the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act (1938), were analyzed as guiding provisions on the basis of which the legal protection of drug circulation is carried out at the federal level; in Texas, the Texas Health and Safety Code and the Texas Professions Code were researched. The following research methods were used: dialectical, hermeneutic, comparative, analytical, and systems analysis. Results. The circulation of drugs in Texas (USA) is an object of legal protection and has its own specifics since the USA is a federation and federal regulations have priority over the regulations of individual states. Therefore, the provisions of the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act (1938) and other federal laws are guidelines for Texas. Conclusions. Legal protection of drug circulation in Texas is carried out by clearly defining the scope of rights and obligations of the subjects of such circulation, non-compliance or violation of which entails legal liability (more often - civil, less often - criminal). The obligations of the subjects of drug circulation in Texas, as in the rest of the USA, are focused on preventing the entry into commerce of falsified or misbranded drugs, compliance with the rules of drug marketing, prevention of possible healthcare fraud (for example, Medicare fraud), ensuring intellectual property rights, etc.

Nearly all libraries in the Federal Republic of Germany are publicly owned, and their employees are placed in the same position as government servants. Library employees enjoy the same advantages and benefits as persons engaged in other branches of government, and their conditions of service are regulated in effect by the same or similar provisions of law. As the Federal Republic of Germany is a federation of several states (Länder), competence to make laws for the regulation of government employees rests concurrently in the federal legislature and the legislatures of the individual states. In this respect there are separate laws for the regulation of federal employees and the employees of the individual state governments, but for all practical purposes such federal and state laws are substantially similar. The respective laws establish systems of different ranks for government employees and prescribe educational qualifications as well as other requirements for the entry into employment at different service levels. There are no specific federal laws for the education and admission of library employees. According to the laws of the individual states, however, library employees are divided into four categories: (1)Senior library service (Höherer Bibliotheksdienst) which is open to persons with academic qualifications (preference being given to persons with doctoral degrees according to the laws of most states) upon completion of a prescribed period of practical library training and a formal educational course in librarianship.(2)Advanced library service (Gehobener Bibliotheksdienst) which is available to persons who undertake a formal course of study in librarianship (which is different in content from the course established for the senior library service) upon completion of high school education.(3)Intermediate library service (Mittlerer Bibliotheksdienst) which does not require high school education but in several states a formal training in librarianship.(4)Subordinate library service (Einfacher Bibliotheksdienst) which does not require an secondary educational or practical qualifications.By way of a general guide to readers, who are not familiar with the German system of library positions, it should be added that this classification system does not have precise equivalents in the Anglo-American countries. The senior and to some extent the advanced library services may, however, be compared to professional library positions, and the intermediate and subordinate service levels to supporting staff positions in the United States libraries.

■ Analysis of the changing balance of needs and resources over the family life span highlights two periods when poverty-prone families would benefit most from an income maintenance program: ( I ) the childbearing stage (most vulnerable to stress owing to insufficiencies of instrumental resources) and (2) the period of adolescence when families face most acutely the social placement of their offspring. Income supplements at these two points would tend to keep families intact in the early years and later in the social placement period would break the current cycle of transmitting poverty patterns from generation to generation. ■ The day of taking families for granted is more than two centuries of neglect by drawing to a close in America. For too state and federal legislatures and govern long, families have been called upon to take ment agencies, families have become the up the slack in a poorly integrated social focus of concern and discussion, order. We have drifted along as a nation, Today America's Gross National Product assuming that families could and would is such that government programs can go be cope with the changes of industrialization yond keeping families from starvation and and urbanization without attention and seek to improve the general quality of support. Now the evidence of tension and family life. By supplying resources at criti insecurity among millions of families that cal junctures in the family's existence, such have not been able to adapt cannot be programs can increase the family's control denied. Research teams and national sta- over its own destiny. The nation has long tistics document the critical situation for left it to the individual to decide how best those who will listen. Under contemporary he can develop his capacities from the conditions of affluence, millions of families range of social opportunities available to of the underclass are not only not finding him. As with the individual, the authors exits from poverty but are experiencing believe each family is best qualified to de even greater deprivation because it is reia- termine what choices are optimal. But to tive deprivation. As a consequence, after insure that families do not experience a foreclosure of choices for financial reasons,

In Rust v. Sullivan, 59 U.S.L.W. 4451 (1991), the US Supreme Court ruled that neither the privacy interests of family planning clients nor the 1st Amendment interests of their counselors prevented the government from banning all discussion of abortions in federally funded family planning clinics. In doing so, the Court also reaffirmed its view that the state and federal legislatures have virtually unlimited discretion in limiting or conditioning social welfare programs, a view having even greater long-term implications for American health policy than the implications of Rust for the constitutional protection of abortion. Rust upheld the Department of Health and Human Services' 1988 directive prohibiting the use of any funds from Title X of the Public Health Service Act (authorizing family planning programs) in programs where abortion is a method of family planning. This means that a clinician may lawfully respond to a client's inquiry about abortion only with a denial that abortion is an option. Thus, while allowing women the constitutional protection to chose an abortion, the Court has allowed the legislature to freely use the power of the purse to discourage or prevent the choice of abortion. Rust's greatest impact may well be in its acceptance of the enormous power wielded by the government over funded activities, especially in health policy. Justice Rehnquist believes there is not constitutional right to health, welfare, or any other government benefit; the legislative branches of the government cannot be required by judicial interpretation of the Constitution to provide any particular benefit or service to anyone. Even when the government chooses to fund a particular benefit, it is free to condition that benefit with virtually no judicially enforceable limits on that discretion.

Revised and updated to include the most current information on same-sex marriage, Limits to Union documents a legal struggle at its moment of greatest historical importance. Limits to Union is a superb book about the complexities of recent political struggles over same-sex marriage. offers a sophisticated account of egalitarian rights advocacy and the reaction it has generated from established majorities animated by a 'new common sense' of exclusionary sovereign authority. The author's analysis is multidimensional and nuanced, but the core argument is bold, important, and well-supported. I recommend it very highly to everyone interested in understanding the character, possibilities, and constraints of civil rights amid our contemporary culture wars.-Michael McCann, author of Rights at Work: Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization In this excellent book, uses Hawaii's experience to examine the interaction between courts and the political system. . . . Relying on briefs, legislative statements, and interviews with activists from both sides of the question, he views this familiar debate . . . through the unfamiliar prism of gay marriage, which allows him to gauge the viability and the pliability of the American civil rights ideal, and how gay and lesbian issues fit (or don't fit) within that ideal.-Willian Heinzen, New York Law Journal Goldberg-Hiller presents the history of the same-sex marriage question since it first sparked debate in Hawaii. He follows the shifting debate through court cases, state propositions, and state and federal legislatures, considering questions about the constitutionality of the Defense of Marriage Act and the concept of equal protection under the law for gays and lesbians. This detailed treatment of the legal issues surrounding same-sex marriages is highly recommended.-R. L. Abbott, University of Evansville [A] valuable contribution to the field, situating the gay marriage debate in broader contexts of theory, law and practice. [S]ame-sex marriage is an important issue...that finds itself caught in the friction points of much larger debates over the nature of rights, the limits of sovereignty and the proper role of courts and law in a democratic society. Limits to Union should therefore be of interest even to those who do not think of themselves as interested in gay and lesbian rights issues.-Evan Gerstmann, Loyola Marymount University, Law and Politics Book Review

Judging Under Pressure: A Behavioral Examination of The Relationship Between Legal Decisionmaking and Time