Review

HYDRO-HEGEMONY

Introduction Anthony B. Pinn and Katie G. Cannon Section One: Sources Chapter One - African American History and African American Theology - Stephen C. Finley Chapter Two - Reading and Using Scripture in the African American Tradition - Allen Callahan Chapter Three - African American Religious Experience - M. Shawn Copeland Chapter Four - The African American Christian Tradition - Sylvester Johnson Chapter Five - Culture/Cultural Production and African American Theology - Clarence E. Hardy, III Chapter Six - Reason in African American Theology - Terrence L. Johnson Chapter Seven - Theoretical Commitments in African American Theology - Edward P. Antonio Chapter Eight - Methodologies in African American Theology - Frederick L. Ware Section Two: Doctrines Chapter Nine - Doctrine of God in African American Theology - Keri Day Chapter Ten - Christology in African American Theology - Diane L. Hayes Chapter Eleven - Holy Spirit in African American Theology - James H. Evans, Jr. Chapter Twelve - Humanity in African American Theology - J. Cameron Carter Chapter Thirteen - World/Creation in African American Theology - Torin Alexander Chapter Fourteen - Liberation in African American Theology - Juan Floyd-Thomas Chapter Fifteen - Evil and Sin in African American Theology - Larry Murphy Chapter Sixteen - Church in African American Theology - R. Drew Smith Chapter Seventeen - Eschatology in African American Theology - Derek S. Hicks Chapter Eighteen - Heaven and Hell in African American Theology - Eboni Marshall Turman Section Three: Internal Debates Chapter Nineteen - Womanist Theology as Corrective to African American Theology - Cheryl Kirk-Duggan Chapter Twenty - Humanism in African American Theology - Anthony B. Pinn Chapter Twenty-One - Audiences of Accountability in African American Theology - Dennis W. Wiley Chapter Twenty-Two - Embodiment in African American Theology - Stephanie Y. Mitchem Chapter Twenty-Three - Pedagogical Praxis in African American Theology - Katie G. Cannon Chapter Twenty-Four - Religious Pluralism and African American Theology - Dianne Diakite Chapter Twenty-Five - Sexuality in African American Theology - Horace Griffin Section Four: Ongoing Challenges Chapter Twenty-Six - The Problem of History in African American Theology - Lewis R. Gordon Chapter Twenty-Seven - Social Theory and African American Theology - Corey D. B. Walker Chapter Twenty-Eight - Black Ontology and Theology - Victor Anderson Chapter Twenty-Nine - African American Theology and the Global Economy - Anthony G. Reddie Chapter Thirty - African American Theology and the American Hemisphere - Josef Sorett Chapter Thirty-One - The African in African American Theology - Peter J. Paris Section Five: Prospects for the Future Chapter Thirty-Two - Prosperity Gospel and African American Theology - Jonathan L. Walton Chapter Thirty-Three - African American Theology and the Public Imaginary - Willie Jennings Chapter Thirty-Four - Cultural Boundaries and African American Theology - Emilie M. Townes

O liberalismo teológico tentou conciliar o cristianismo com as aspirações humanas. Neste contexto surge a neo-ortodoxia barthiana, na qual Karl Barth busca fazer um estudo da Bíblia através da Bíblia, mas descobre que isso não é possível e, mesmo questionando o método histórico crítico, ele o utiliza e chega a seu conceito de Palavra de Deus.

Solidarity with the marginalised is for the Church a theological task, whichis also true for a refl ection on the challenge to the Church that the HIV epidemic means. As the Church refl ects on HIV and AIDS, much can be learned from the methodology of liberation theology. Especially useful is the defi nition of theology as a critical refl ection on praxis. But also the method, the see - judge - act and model, is an important tool for this refl ection, which also should include the point of departure, the option for the poor. Applying elements from discourse analysis makes it possible to identify four discourses in the writings of Gustavo Gutierrez. For the socio-political analysis two political discourses are used, the radical and the liberal. The radical political discourse deals with justice for the poor and liberation from oppression as a condition for peace and harmony in society, which are in focus in the liberal political discourse. With the Catholic theological discourse Gutierrez sets the socio-political analysis in relation to Catholic doctrine and through the pastoral theological discourse he gives reason for hope and inspiration to action. As an advocate for a theology of life, Gutierrez urges those who read and listen to him to break the pattern of death and opt for a theology of life. Methodologically this will be useful for a theological and pastoral refl ection on HIV. With people living with HIV as the starting point and through a thorough sociopolitical analysis and a theological refl ection it will be possible to formulate a pastoral theological discourse that can serve as a pastoral plan for action, where the integral liberation is an important perspective.

If the late 1940s and early 1950s were a period of close and friendly relations between the United States and Egypt, the late 1950s and early 1960s mark the deterioration in those relations. US-Egyptian relations from the 1952 revolution to the Suez crisis resembled to some extent a game of chess between Nasser of Egypt, and Secretary John Foster Dulles of the US. The Free Officers' rise to power in Egypt in July 1952, raised the hope of the American policy-makers in the establishing of closer and, moreover, cordial relations with Egypt. They felt that it was to their advantage to deal with the military officers who were not associated with the corrupt ancien regime of politicians. Moreover, the Free Officers did not have any political commitment nor a predetermined position in foreign policy. Therefore the Eisenhower administration, especially Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, expected that Egypt under Nasser and his military colleagues would help achieve objectives of American strategy in the area, such as the containment of Soviet penetration, and peace between the Arab states and Israel. These hopes or aspirations, however, could not be easily translated into practical policy. Dulles looked to Nasser for support of US initiatives, without appreciating problems Nasser might face. Nasser's policy was soon to clash with American strategy in the Middle East and Egypt's foreign policy would be marked to a great extent by recurrent clashes with the US, especially from 1955 onwards. Nasser saw US policy becoming reflexively pro-Israel and he felt that Washington was jeopardising his leadership of the Arab world, especially after the formation of the Baghdad Pact in February 1955. The honeymoon between the Free Officers' regime in Egypt and the US was now over. Nasser felt he had to confront the US and the Western powers on their own terms, in a more forceful and radical way. Nasser found the Soviet Union a willing partner in furthering his aims, even though he still left his options open regarding his relations with the US. As for the Eisenhower administration, the turning-point came in mid-March 1956 when Secretary of the Navy Robert Anderson returned from his mission to promote peace between Egypt and Israel empty-handed. Dulles was determined to show Nasser how tough he could be. Events then moved rapidly to the Suez crisis. The documentary and other evidence proved that Nasser's ambitions for a regional leadership of the Arab Middle East were in conflict with those of the US as a global power in the Middle East, The Eisenhower administration, for its part, had hoped and intended to contain Nasser's influence in the area and not to promote him into a major Third World leader, but in vain. The American policy turned Nasser from a local Arab leader of Egypt into the charismatic leader of the Arab world and a major political figure in the Third World. This research mainly depends on American documents which were declassified during the past two years.

The most suitable approach to a discussion of the hermeneutics of Liberation Theology is to view the latter as fundamentally part of the distinctive theological methodology developed by liberation theologians. To deal with the poor as hermeneutical subject in Liberation Theology, the subject is developed in four parts. In the first part the intimate relation between methodology and hermeneutics is defended in the light of the fact that the locus theologicus constitutes the hermeneutical subject. The methodological starting point of Liberation Theology and the hermeneutical point of departure (the faith of the poor) thus coincide. In the second part two implications of the poor as hermeneutical subject are dealt with, namely the reinterpretation of presuppossitions in view of the inevitable ideological nature of faith, and the relative position of Scripture with regard to the status of socio-analysis as alternative “text”. The third part deals with the relation between the canonical text and the present context as basis for liberation theologians’ re-reading of Scripture in view of the poor. To conclude, a few critical questions are enumerated in the fourth part, dealing, inter alia, with the revelatory status of “the signs of the time” and the methodological position of Scripture in Liberation Theology.

What would an armed conflict between the two Koreas look like? The following analysis examines this question by drawing lessons from the history of military clashes between Israel and its Arab and Palestinian adversaries. Firstly, it suggests that an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula would be limited in its scope. Although qualitatively inferior, the North Korean military could conduct a limited ground maneuver south to the DMZ by employing Egypt’s strategy in the 1973 Yom Kippur War. A South Korean counterattack would also be limited. Advancing too deep beyond the DMZ would provoke Pyongyang to go on a nuclear alert and encourage Chinese and American pressure on Seoul to pull back. A South Korean refusal to comply could invite foreign intervention, similar to the American intervention in the 1973 War. Secondly, this paper explores the challenge of guerrilla warfare (both above and below ground) that ROK forces are likely to encounter if they cross the DMZ. Israel’s experiences in the 2006 Lebanon War and in Operations Cast Lead (2008) and Protective Edge (2014) illustrate that in facing such a challenge, even an indisputably superior force may have to pay a heavy price in casualties. Given that North Korean nuclear deterrence would prevent ROK forces from implementing reunification war plans, South Korea should consider stopping its counterattack at the DMZ, rather than pursuing the enemy into a terra incognita of topographical and subterranean traps.

The article is devoted to a philosophical study of the religious dimension in HAMAS ideology and the influence of a religious factor on the development of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The article provides a valuable and functional analysis of the main programmatic ideological text of HAMAS: those abstracts from this text that directly relate to religious issues are highlighted, a broad involvement of religion in the ideological foundations of HAMAS is demonstrated. The article also analyzes the place of HAMAS in the events during the First Intifada and the role of the movement at the beginning of the Second Intifada. The purpose of the study is to broaden the involvement of the role of religion in the Arab-Israeli conflict in the consideration of Ukrainian philosophy, religious studies and humanities in general, with a view to further utilizing Middle Eastern experience in the study, prevention and resolution of religious conflicts in Ukraine. Iryna Zvyagelska particularly emphasizes the great role of social programs (such as fundraising for low-income Palestinians, organizing youth education, etc.), which she conducts among Hamas Palestinians in the context of expanding the organization's influence. This helped Hamas gain the support of the Palestinians and channel some of the conflict into a religious dimension. Irina Zvyagelska notes that if the settlement of the conflict was accompanied by an improvement in the welfare of Palestinians, the chances of Hamas influence would be significantly reduced. The question of whether the Hamas programming document and its postulate correlates with the real attitude of ordinary Hamas members or leaders to, for example, Jews living outside Israel is undoubtedly important. The question is whether the creation of Hamas influenced the Palestinians, making the religious factor more important and visible in protest circles, or vice versa - Hamas appeared because there was already a certain social demand for the emergence of such a movement. There is a version that, at the very beginning of Hamas's existence, Israeli intelligence services, while underestimating the newly-born structure, were interested in strengthening it to use Hamas in its fight against ORP, seeing it as a more serious threat. During the Second Hamad Intifada, a large number of Palestinian youth were mobilized under flags with radical religious slogans that called for an uncompromising struggle against Israel as occupier, with settlers in the Gaza Strip and with Israeli military, as well as with Israeli soldiers. A brief analysis of some of the HAMAS Charter abstracts and the movement's activities shows a very high level of involvement of the religious component in the Arab-Israeli conflict. HAMAS plays an extremely important role in the Gaza Strip and in the region as a whole. Investigating not only their political activism but also their ideological base is a crucial point for understanding the situation not only among Palestinians and Israelis, but throughout the Middle East. The HAMAS example also shows that the involvement of a religious factor in social conflict significantly increases the risk of exacerbation of the conflict and its transition to a protracted phase with uncertain prospects for peace negotiations. However, the activities of HAMAS show that it is focused on achieving not only purely religious but also specific political, economic, educational and other social and cultural goals. Therefore, in our opinion, it is also possible to rely on these other aspects of HAMAS's efforts to seek peace or at least start peace talks. This should be the subject of a separate future study. Keywords: religious conflict, HAMAS, Islam, Judaism, Arab-Israeli conflict, Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

L'Eglise universaliste de Glasgow au XIX e siecle est un bon exemple de l'utilisation d'un discours religieux a des fins sociales. Des la Revolution francaise, elle a developpe une theologie de la liberation qui l'a menee a jouer un role important dans le mouvement chartiste ecossais. De nombreux chartistes ont en effet considere leur foi politique comme l'expression d'un christianisme pratique. La certitude de la redemption universelle est le theme central de l'Eglise universaliste de Glasgow. Par essence, la theologie universaliste est une theologie de la liberation, basee sur la fraternite, l'egalite naturelle et la capacite de l'homme a realiser le Royaume de Dieu sur terre

The space of Practical Theology at Faculdades EST in Brazil and its contribution in the Latin American theological practices

The purpose of the paper is to discuss Israeli Ballistic Missile Defense Strategy. The author attempts to answer questions including: What is the strategy of the Israeli BMD? Why after the Israeli acquired nuclear weapons but yet emphaisze the necessity to develop a BMD system? In addition, what are the variables that influenced the decision to deploy BMD? What are the impending difficulties in executing the BMD strategies? And, facing the growing proliferation of WMD in the Middle East, it appears to be reasonable for Israel to boost its military might, but the limitation and efficacy of which is an important subject needing our attention.

558 BOOK REVIEWS completion c;if this work represents. I trust that the best tribute to the inquiry he so evidently valued is a straightforward assessment of his text. Hendrix College Conway, Arkansas JOHN CHURCHILL Theology and Politics. By DUNCAN B. FORRESTER. Signposts in The· ology Series. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1982. Pp. 182. $39.95 (cloth); $14.95 (paper). Theology and Politics offers two things: a map of the" perennial possibilities " (p. 20) open to Christian political theology and a sym.· pathetic introduction to liberation theology. In the first case, the map obscures as often as it guides; in the second, readers are led down an already well-trodden path. In chapters 1-2, Duncan B. Forrester (professor of Christian ethics and practical theology at New College, University of Edinburgh) de· scribes a "spectrum " of three Christian political theologies established in Graeco-Roman times and traces their recurrence down to the present . One political theology is represented by Tertullian, who claimed " there is nothing more alien " to Christians " than politics " and thus dissuaded them from taking direct " responsibility for power " (p. 20) • Instead, they should challenge political society by witnessing to an " alternative way of ordering life" (p. 21). During the Reformation, this approach resurfaced in the Anabaptist movement. At the other end of the spectrum is Eusebianism, a political theology advocating church-state complementarity. Its author, Eusebius of Caesarea , was an " apologist for imperial rule and the propagator of a Christian civil religion " during the Constantinian era. He saw " the earthly role of the emperor as a reflection of, and a kind of participation in, the kingly omnipotence of God himself" (p. 23) . This approach predominated in medieval Christendom and recurred, in varying guises, during the Reformation. Luther advanced Eusebianism by default in his emphasis on individual justification by faith and the "two kingdoms " theory, wherein states are viewed as instruments of God's "left hand." His " depoliticizing" of Christian faith encouraged political passivity and uncritical obedience to state authority (p. 32). Calvinism advanced Eusebianism from the opposite direction. Its "theocratic emphases " absorbed the state into the church, blurring the "degree of autonomy" necessary for the political order (p. 34). BOOK REVIEWS 559 " Somewhere around the centre" is Augustine's political theology. On one hand, Augustine felt-against Tertullian-that the church had a "responsibility to defend peace and justice." On the other hand, he taught-against Eusebius-" that the Roman empire was, and always had been, corrupt." Thus, Augustine " affirms the theological significance of the political order " but " refuses to accord more than a heavily qualified endorsement to any temporal political order whatever " (pp. 24-25). This is the view Forrester endorses and under which he begins his discussion of liberation theology. Forrester offers a routine treatment of liberation theology in chapters 3-6. In its deliberate " engagement " with the poor, liberation theology criticizes the comparatively abstract political theology of Metz and Moltmann (p. 60). In its conviction that the poor "have privileged access to the teaching of the Bible," liberation theology suggests that the social context of Western biblical scholars skews their scriptural interpreta· tion (p. 96). By highlighting the radicalism of the historical Jesus, liberation theology challenges the "Domesticated Christ" of North American Christianity (p. 120) . By viewing the church as a base community of the "poor, powerless, and oppressed," liberation theology exposes how the institutional church is " deeply implicated in capitalist society" (p. 136). In the last chapter, Forrester summarizes the relationship between theology and politics by linking his three political theologies with those discussed in the 1985 South African Kairos Document. In this way, the "state theology" identified by the Kairos theologians (racist ideology of the South African government) is Eusehianism, "church theology" (reformist ideology of the mainline churches) is Tertullianism, and "prophetic theology" (radical ideology of liberation theology) is Augustinianism. But two things are wrong here. The reformist struggle of mainline churches against apartheid-however feeble-is not identical to the Tertullian-Anabaptist approach as Forrester earlier defined it. The former challenges the state through public discourse; the latter witnesses to the state through a counter-cultural lifestyle. Second, insufficient evidence is given for the claim that contemporary prophetic theology reflects the...

Agency versus Insurgency

102 Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 41, No. 2, Winter 2018 Book Reviews Edited by Nadia Barsoum Middle East, South Asia, and North Africa ARCHITECTURAL HERITAGE OF YEMEN: Buildings That Fill my Eye edited by Trevor H.J. Marchand: United Kingdom, London, Gingko Library 2017, 231 pages. In bringing together the astute observations and reflections of an international and interdisciplinary group of acclaimed scholars, this book aims to raise awareness of Yemen’s long history of cultural creativity and the urgent need for international collaboration to protect it and its people from the destructive forces that have beset the region. EMPIRES AND ANARCHIES: A History of Oil in the Middle East by Michael Quentin Morton. United Kingdom, London, Reaktion Books Ltd, 2017, 263 pages. Empires and Anarchies is an unconventional history of oil in the Middle East. In the author’s account the burnt-out remains of Saddam Hussein’s armaments and the human tragedy of the Arab Spring are as much of the story as the shimmering skylines of oil-rich nations. From the first explorers trudging through the desert to the excesses of the Peacock Throne and the high stakes of OPEC, Morton lays out the history of oil in compelling detail, arguing that oil simultaneously enriched and fractured the Middle East, eroding traditional ways of life, and eventually contributing to the rise of Islamic radicalism. The book is essential reading for anyone interested in the promises and peril of the world’s oil boom. FROM INDEPENDENCE TO REVOLUTION: Egypt Islamists and the Contest for Power by Gilian Kennedy. United Kingdom, London, Hurst & Company publishers 2017, 262 pages. The author is taking an approach to emphasize those studies of political Islam concentrate on either ideology or strategy rather than using a framework, which argues for both to be accounted together. It concludes that in Egypt from 1952 to 2012, the absence of this dialectical process of ideology and strategy was the decisive factor in the failure of radicals, conservatives and progressives to create and maintain lasting consent to their national project. Chapter 2 examines the Nasser period (1952-1970). Chapter 3 examines how political Islam evolved during Anwar Sadat’s presidency from (1970-1981). Chapter 4 examines how political Islam evolved during Mubarak’s presidency from (1981-1992) and the author will outline the continuation of Sadat’s economic liberalization and how the Islamist movement reacted to Mubarak’s political overtures and the continuation of economic liberalization policies in light of a spiraling socio-economic crisis among the lower and middle income class. Chapter 5 examines how Mubarak moved from containment to confrontation against Egypt opposition groups (1992-2011). TRIBES AND POLITICS IN YEMEN: A History of the Houthi Conflict by Marieke Brandt. United States, New York, Oxford University Press 2017, 466 pages. This book is based on years of anthropological fieldwork expertise both on the ground and through digital anthropological approaches. It offers a detailed account of the local complexities of the Houthi conflict and its historical background and underscores the absolute imperative of understanding the local, personal, and non-ideological nature of internal conflict in Yemen. The Houthi conflict is multifaceted and complex, and its local narrative as recorded in this volume constitutes only one manifold ways of approaching and explaining the conflict. The many other narratives of the Houthi conflict sometimes compete: the sectarian narrative, the domestic political narrative, the boundary narrative, the proxy war narrative. The Yemeni government has its own version. Foreign nations have their different claims. This book research objective is to explore the local dynamics of the Houthi conflictthus required spanning a broad period, from 1960 to the present time. 103 104 JINNEALOGY: Time, Islam, and Ecological Thought in the Medieval Ruins of Delhi by Anand Vivek Tasnneja. California, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2017, 312 pages. The author discover that in the ruins of a medieval palace in Delhi, a unique phenomenon occurs: Indians of all castes and creeds meet to socialize and ask the spirits for help. The spirits they entreat are Islamic jinns, and they w In the ruins of a medieval palace in Delhi, a unique phenomenon occurs: Indians of all castes and rite...

(2002). The Circles of Maulana Mohamed Ali. Middle Eastern Studies: Vol. 38, No. 4, pp. 51-62.