Seeing and thinking groups: embodied foundations of perceptual and social structuring

We perceive structure through a process of perceptual organization. Here we report a new perceptual organization phenomenon-the facilitation of visual grouping by global curvature. Observers viewed patterns that they perceived as organized into collections of curves. The patterns were perceptually ambiguous such that the perceived orientation of the patterns varied from trial to trial. When patterns were sufficiently dense and proximity was equated for the predominant perceptual alternatives, observers tended to perceive the organization with the greatest curvature. This effect is tantamount to visual grouping by maximal curvature and thus demonstrates an unprecedented effect of global structure on perceptual organization. We account for this result with a model that predicts the perceived organization of a pattern as function of its nonaccidentality, which we define as the probability that it could have occurred by chance. Our findings demonstrate a novel relationship between the geometry of a pattern and the visual salience of global structure.

A principal challenge for both human and machine vision systems is to integrate and organize the diversity of cues received from the environment into the coherent global representations required to make good decisions and take effective actions. This conference brings together an interdisciplinary roster of leading researchers in both biological and computer vision to report and discuss the latest research on this process of perceptual organization.

You are an outsider! How and when observed leader incivility affect hospitality employees’ social categorization and deviant behavior

Perceptual organization concerns the organization of people’s perception into meaningful, structured entities—often wholes containing parts, with specific interrelationships among the parts as well as specific relationships between the parts and the wholes. It embraces a wide variety of distinct processes, which often occur together in everyday life and lead to interesting perceptual experiences by their interactions. The best-known perceptual organization processes are perceptual grouping and figure-ground organization, which appear to be determined by characteristic principles or laws, such as grouping by proximity, similarity, good continuation, area, convexity, symmetry, and so forth. Other important phenomena of perceptual organization include perceptual multi-stability (i.e., the fact that the same stimulus can give rise to multiple competing percepts that switch over time), visual illusions, the role of reference frames, and the role of context. Gestalt psychology has contributed deep insights into the way people’s perception of the world is organized, although it has also been criticized for its emphasis on subjective experiences and its sometimes vague and non-quantitative descriptions of the Gestalt principles. Because perceptual organization essentially concerns visual awareness, however, phenomenology is needed to describe what is experienced. This ultimately remains the basis for research on perceptual organization even when it is aimed at quantifying the principles of perceptual organization and identifying the neural correlates or mechanisms underlying perceptual organization.

The question behind this chapter is, very broadly, how do events come to be understood and defined such that particular legal responses are perceived to be appropriate? I shall be looking at this as a process of social categorization. By that, I mean the process whereby events or cases are classified as examples of a class, where the categorization carries social, perhaps legal, consequences or implications.KeywordsCommon SenseDispute ResolutionLegal RuleSocial CategorizationRoad AccidentThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Numerous studies have documented racialized disparities in school disciplinary practices, with students from stigmatized racialized groups facing harsher punishment than their non-stigmatized peers. These disparities are often attributed to teachers' negative stereotypes. However, psychological theories have largely overlooked the impact of contextual factors, such as racialized segregation and the demographic composition of school environments, on teachers' decision-making processes. Drawing on ecological systems theory, we identify three gaps in the psychological literature on racialized disparities in school discipline: (1) the restricted focus on teachers’ interactions with individual students, (2) the neglect of superordinate contextual levels, and (3) the limited consideration of racialized segregation patterns. To address these gaps, we introduce a context-based discrimination model, which holds that the racialized composition of school settings (classrooms, schools, and surrounding areas) shapes teachers’ social categorization, stereotyping, and decision-making processes. We define context-based discrimination as the phenomenon whereby overall discipline rates between school settings systematically vary with their racialized composition. Crucially, effects of context-based discrimination may not be limited to students from stigmatized racialized groups, but may also affect non-stigmatized peers in a school setting. To understand how inequality is reproduced in educational settings, psychological science must investigate how structural context shapes teacher behavior.

In the previous chapter, I specified perceptual organization as an autonomous process that enables us to perceive scenes as structured wholes consisting of objects arranged in space. Because any scene can be interpreted in numerous ways, it is amazing not only that the visual system usually has a clear preference for only one interpretation, but also that this interpretation usually is sufficiently veridical to guide us through the world. Indeed, it is true that visual illusions show that what we see is not always what we look at, but a fair degree of veridicality seems necessary — otherwise, our visual system would probably not have survived during evolution. In this chapter, expanding on van der Helm (2000), I assess what degree of veridicality vision might achieve by aiming at simplicity. To this end, I elaborate on three related issues, which I next introduce briefly. S implicity versus likelihood . The main issue is whether the perceptual organization process is guided by the likelihood principle (von Helmholtz, 1909/1962) or by the simplicity principle (Hochberg & McAlister, 1953). Both principles take this process as a form of unconscious inference yielding interpretations which persons subjectively believe are most likely to be true. The question, however, is what drives this unconscious inference, and as I indicate next, the two principles differ fundamentally in this respect. The likelihood principle, on the one hand, aims explicitly at a high degree of veridicality in the external world.

Part I : Perceptual Organization and Classification Processes

The construction industry has one of the highest frequency levels and rates of work-related injuries, yet the evidence for successful attempts to reduce injuries is generally lacking. The motivational and (safety) behavioural implications of social identification and social categorization among construction labourer work crews were investigated to ascertain how their interactions are affected by the social structure and organization of work. Semi-structured group interviews and mini interviews during work were carried out with 13 concrete work crews (totalling 53 persons) at five large construction sites. The organization of work fosters social identification within a crew, resulting in distancing from and social categorization of site management. Social identification influences safety behaviour in the crews, where worksite safety rules may meet resistance. Future safety initiatives at large construction sites should take into account the dynamics of social identification and categorization in the implementation of safety measures, e.g. by creating an alternative organization of work, thus making it easier for a work crew to identify themselves with the site management. Site/crew managers should consider how safety can become a salient and valued group norm by altering the social structure at the sites and/or fostering dual social identity.

Group faultline literature suggests that subgroups impede group functioning. We propose that team conflict may buffer the detrimental effects of faultlines on group performance. We draw on social categorization and group process theories suggesting that the negative effects of fault‐lines are due to increased competition and decreased communication across subgroups and can be diminished with cross‐subgroup information exchange and elaboration. We propose that intragroup conflict in small groups will decrease negative effects of demographic faultlines because detecting conflict and engaging in conflict management require cross‐subgroup communication and information elaboration. In Study 1, using student groups we found that relationship, task, and process conflict buffered the negative effect of demographic faultline strength on group performance. In Study 2, we manipulated conflict and group faultlines (ethnic faultlines vs. no faultlines) and found that group conflict buffered the negative effect of faultlines on group performance. Theoretical contributions and practical implications are discussed.

Young adults recognize other young adult faces more accurately than older adult faces, an effect termed the own-age bias (OAB). The categorization-individuation model (CIM) proposes that recognition memory biases like the OAB occur as unfamiliar faces are initially quickly categorized. In-group faces are seen as socially relevant which motivates the processing of individuating facial features. Outgroup faces are processed more superficially with attention to category-specific information which hinders subsequent recognition. To examine the roles of categorization and individuation in the context of the OAB, participants completed a face recognition task and a speeded age categorization task including young and older adult faces. In the recognition task, half of the participants were given instructions aimed to encourage individuation of other-age faces. An OAB emerged that was not influenced by individuation instructions, but the magnitude of the OAB was correlated with performance in the categorization task. The larger the categorization advantage for older adult over young adult faces, the larger the OAB. These results support the premise that social categorization processes can affect the subsequent recognition of own- and other-age faces, but do not provide evidence for the effectiveness of individuation instructions in reducing the OAB.

The human body has become in recent years the subject of renewed interest across a spectrum of disciplines, from sociology to literary theory. Approaches to its study vary, of course, with each discipline. Since the groundbreaking study “Techniques of the Body” by Marcel Mauss (1935), however, an underlying assumption in the human sciences has been that the human body is not merely a physical and biological reality confronting human consciousness as an external and independent entity, but primarily a cultural construct carrying social and cultural meanings and messages. Attention has also been drawn by many sociologists and social-anthropologists to a central dimension of the cultural construction of the body: the human body stands as the primary symbol of the social body, or the body politic (Turner 1984). Mary Douglas posits the interrelationship between the two types of bodies in clear terms: The social body constrains the way the physical body is perceived. The physical experience of the body, always modified by the social categories through which it is known, sustains a particular view of society. There is a continual exchange of meanings between the two kinds of bodily experience so that each reinforces the categories of the other. (Douglas 1982: 65) Berger and Luckman (1967), furthermore, have drawn our attention to a central dimension of culture: all cultural creations, including the human body, have a dialectic nature.

Androcentrism refers to the propensity to center society around men and men’s needs, priorities, and values and to relegate women to the periphery. Androcentrism also positions men as the gender-neutral standard while marking women as gender-specific. Examples of androcentrism include the use of male terms (e.g., he), images, and research participants to represent everyone. Androcentrism has been shown to have serious consequences. For example, women’s health has been adversely affected by over-generalized medical research based solely on male participants. Nonetheless, relatively little is known about androcentrism’s proximate psychological causes. In the present review, we propose a social cognitive perspective arguing that both social power and categorization processes are integral to understanding androcentrism. We present and evaluate three possible pathways to androcentrism deriving from (a) men being more frequently instantiated than women, (b) masculinity being more “ideal” than femininity, and/or (c) masculinity being more common than femininity.

While people are often experts in perceiving and categorizing faces into meaningful social categories (i.e., race), there are suboptimal scenarios such as mask use that may impair face processing. Here we examined how mask use may differentially impact own- and other-race face processing in social categorization, and the underlying neurocognitive mechanisms using simultaneous eye movement and EEG recording. We found that mask use made participants' face scanning patterns more eyes-focused and consistent, and reduced the differences in both eye movement pattern and early attention-related ERP component P1 between viewing own- and other-race faces. Moreover, mask use did not change how people categorize biracial morphed faces, or the advantage in categorization speed of other-race faces. These results suggest that when perceiving masked faces, information from the eye region may be sufficient for social categorization, and that race-based social categorizations can be impervious to mask use. Interestingly, we found that when viewing other-race faces, where people have less perceptual expertise, those who show more consistent face scanning patterns have more efficient processing of masked faces. These findings have important implications for cross-race face perception, especially when face perception condition becomes suboptimal. SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT: As mask use has become a common practice in response to respiratory virus outbreaks, it has inadvertently altered both health practices and the complex dynamics of social interaction. In a world that values diversity and cross-racial interactions, understanding how masks influence our cognitive processes during cross-race face perception is not just timely but vital. Given this context, we examined the effect of mask use on race categorization, by systematically investigating eye movement behavior, and neural representations of own versus other-race faces, and how these mask-induced changes are associated with each other. By utilizing simultaneous eye movement and EEG recording, our study reveals that the eye region can significantly influence social categorization, suggesting that race-based categorizations persist even in the presence of masks. Interestingly, we found that for other-race faces with which people have less perceptual expertise, those who adjust to a more consistent face scanning pattern for masked faces have more efficient processing of masked faces. This highlights the importance of individuals' visual routine adaptability when the viewing condition is not optimal. Though the current research is called by the demand for COVID-19, our findings can be generalized to a broader context and enhance our understanding of human visual and social cognition.

This paper builds on work on forced labour and human trafficking to argue for the value of geographical approaches to legal scale, and for more geographical research on the process of jurisdiction. Vulnerability to forced labour and human trafficking is related to processes of social and political categorization and legal characterization. Yet territorial understandings of jurisdiction, and those which conceptualize jurisdiction as a process of sorting, often imply a relatively straightforward correspondence between legal scales and legal subjects. I propose an approach to legal scale that builds on feminist analyses in labour law and human geography.