Selective mobility, segregation and neighbourhood effects

Cross-sectional and longitudinal measurements of neighborhood experience and their effects on children

Marriage and cohabitation between members of different racial and ethnic groups has increased in the United States over recent decades. Despite this demographic shift, we know relatively little about how the growing numbers of mixed-race couples are faring in systems of residential stratification. Previous research indicates that mixed-race couples tend to be located in diverse neighborhoods, but because this past research has used cross-sectional data and has not focused on actual residential mobility, it is not clear whether mixed-race couples choose diverse neighborhoods or are just more likely to develop in diverse neighborhoods. To provide a more complete picture of this topic, I conduct a prospective analysis of the residential location and mobility patterns of mixed-race couples, focusing on the extent to which these couples are more likely than monoracial couples to move into, and/or remain in, diverse neighborhoods. The use of longitudinal data between 1985 and 2009 from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) linked to neighborhood- and metropolitan-level data from multiple population censuses reveals that in comparison with monoracial couples, mixed-race couples tend to be located in neighborhoods with higher levels of racial and ethnic diversity and tend to enter more diverse residential destinations when they move. However, these outcomes vary substantially across types of mixed-race couples. Moreover, the outcomes associated with individual- and metropolitan-level conditions provide limited support for the common contention that the residential patterns of mixed-race couples reflect differences in residential preferences, and point to the role of broader patterns of racial stratification in shaping their residential outcomes.

This article investigates the shifting racial and ethnic composition of neighborhoods in the Greater New York metropolitan region in the 1970–1990 period, during which the region has been one of the nation's major receiving grounds for new immigrant groups. Neighborhoods are defined in terms of census tracts, and changes in neighborhood composition are tracked with data from the 1970, 1980, and 1990 censuses. Four racial/ethnic groups are considered: non-Hispanic whites, non-Hispanic blacks, Hispanics and Asians. The analysis, which exploits the neighborhood transition table (Denton and Massey, 1991), reveals a somewhat paradoxical set of developments. On the one hand, there is increasing racial and ethnic complexity in neighborhoods throughout the region: more and more neighborhoods contain multiple groups; fewer and fewer are ethnically or racially homogeneous. On the other hand, there is a crosscutting trend: all-minority neighborhoods, occupied by blacks or blacks and Hispanics, are growing in number. We demonstrate further that these two patterns are associated with other characteristics of neighborhoods, such as the median incomes of their households and whether they are located in cities or suburbs.

Assessment research on ethnic minorities presents multiple methodological and conceptual challenges. This article addresses the difficulties in denning and examining ethnicity as a variable in psychological research. The authors assert that many of the problems stem from not making explicit the assumptions underlying the use of ethnicity as an explanatory variable and from inadequately describing cultural and contextual characteristics of ethnic minority samples. Also raised are common methodological problems encountered in examining race, ethnicity, and culture in assessment research, such as decisions regarding which populations to study, sampling methodologies, measure selection, method of assessment, and interpretation of results. Finally, some guidelines are offered for tackling some of the methodological dilemmas in assessment research with ethnic minorities. Assessment research on ethnic minority groups has had a controversial history. For example, comparisons of intellectual abilities and cognitive skills, of self-esteem and self-hatred, of personality patterns, and of prevalence rates and degrees of psychopathology among different ethnic and racial groups have generated considerable controversy regarding the validity of findings. It is our belief that conducting valid assessment research with ethnic minority groups is particularly problematic because of methodological, conceptual, and practical difficulties that arise in such research. This article addresses common methodological problems that have plagued assessment research on ethnic minorities. Our intent here is not to provide definitive solutions to methodologica l problems but rather to raise issues that many researchers may not have otherwise considered, so that informed decisions can be made about how to handle variables related to ethnicity. We also pose some guidelines for future assessment research with ethnic minorities to improve the knowledge base not only for ethnic minorities but also for the field of psychological assessment. In doing so, we will closely examine fundamental problems such as sample heterogeneity, measurement of culture, and underlying assumptions about ethnicity, all of which make assessment research with ethnic minorities inherently challenging. Because our work involves Asian Americans, many of the cited examples deal with this population, although the point behind the examples may apply to other ethnic groups. We refer to assessment research in a broad sense and use examples from extant literature on cognitive, personality, and clinical psychodiagnostic assessment with various ethnic mi

.Over the past few years, neighbourhood effects research has received significant attention from the academic world, not only in the US, where that attention has a longer tradition, but also in Western Europe. There is also substantial interest among policy makers. Most policy makers intend to reduce concentrations of poverty by enhancing the social mix of neighbourhoods. Avoiding high immigrant concentrations in particular neighbourhoods is another issue that fuels political debate and policy intervention in many Western European countries, Scandinavian countries included. However, there are clear gaps in the understanding of the relationship between neighbourhood composition and social outcomes. One of these gaps regards the scale of the neighbourhood; if there would be neighbourhood effects, what scale is it relevant to consider? Is mix good or bad for the social prospects of individuals at a level that is very local, for example a few neighbouring streets, or could mix be helpful at a somewhat higher scale? This article will focus on this issue, applying individual longitudinal data in multi‐level models for the entire active population of the three largest metropolitan areas in Sweden. We will explore the degree to which the social and ethnic composition of geographical districts, at a variety of scales (measured at time t), are statistically related to individual employment and earnings for adult metropolitan residents at time t+1, controlling for relevant personal and household characteristics.

Housing reform since the 1990s has created a new sociospatial structure in Chinese cities. However, neighborhood deprivation remains one of the key challenges for urban housing policies. This study investigates the relationship among perceived neighborhood characteristics, deprivation, and attachment, based on a survey of 59 neighborhoods across Guangzhou, China. We adopt an objective approach to measure the index of multiple deprivation (IMD) on the neighborhood scale. The descriptive statistics indicate that while residents in deprived neighborhoods generally report lower level of perceived neighborhood physical environments and neighborhood attachment, their evaluations of neighborhood social environments are not necessarily lower. Results from the hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) show that perceived housing conditions, perceived neighborhood environment, neighborhood ties, and sense of security are significantly correlated with neighborhood attachment. Furthermore, the moderation analysis reveals that the effect of perceived housing conditions on neighborhood attachment is stronger in more deprived neighborhoods. We propose that residents’ subjective feelings, timely and direct measurement of IMD, and context-based strategies should be used in urban housing policies to reduce the negative impacts of neighborhood deprivation.

In recent times, interest in residential mobility in deprived neighbourhoods has grown in both the academic and policy communities in the UK. Members of both communities have argued that the labour market should be a key driver of mobility in deprived neighbourhoods, as they house a disproportionately large number of workless residents, a population group who should be willing to ‘get on their bikes’ and move to areas with greater employment opportunities. This paper provides an insight into whether they are, by drawing on data gleaned from residents living in six deprived neighbourhoods across the UK. It finds the labour market not to be an important driver of either past or anticipated mobility. Furthermore, for those residents who had ‘got on their bikes’ and moved relatively long distances to reside in their current neighbourhood, it did not appear to be a significant contributory factor behind their decision to do so.

BackgroundThe population in Norway has become multi-ethnic due to migration from Asia and Africa over the recent decades. The aim of the present study was to explore differences in the self-reported prevalence of cardiovascular disease (CVD) and associated risk factors by diabetes status in five ethnic minority groups compared to ethnic Norwegians.MethodsPooled data from three population-based cross-sectional studies conducted in Oslo between 2000 and 2002 was used. Of 54,473 invited individuals 24,749 (45.4%) participated. The participants self-reported health status, underwent a clinical examination and blood samples were drawn. A total of 17,854 individuals aged 30 to 61 years born in Norway, Sri-Lanka, Pakistan, Iran, Vietnam or Turkey were included in the study. Chi-square tests, one-way ANOVAs, ANCOVAs, multiple and logistic regression were used.ResultsAge- and gender-standardized prevalence of self-reported CVD varied between 5.8% and 8.2% for the ethnic minority groups, compared to 2.9% among ethnic Norwegians (p < 0.001). Prevalence of self-reported diabetes varied from 3.0% to 15.0% for the ethnic minority groups versus 1.8% for ethnic Norwegians (p < 0.001). Among individuals without diabetes, the CVD prevalence was 6.0% versus 2.6% for ethnic minorities and Norwegians, respectively (p < 0.001). Corresponding CVD prevalence rates among individuals with diabetes were 15.3% vs. 12.6% (p = 0.364). For individuals without diabetes, the odds ratio (OR) for CVD in the ethnic minority groups remained significantly higher (range 1.5-2.6) than ethnic Norwegians (p < 0.05), after adjustment for age, gender, education, employment, and body height, except for Turkish individuals. Regardless of diabetes status, obesity and physical inactivity were prevalent in the majority of ethnic minority groups, whereas systolic- and diastolic- blood pressures were higher in Norwegians. In nearly all ethnic groups, individuals with diabetes had higher triglycerides, waist-to-hip ratio (WHR), and body mass index compared to individuals without diabetes. Age, diabetes, hypertension, hypercholesterolemia, and WHR were significant predictors of CVD in both ethnic Norwegians and ethnic minorities, but significant ethnic differences were found for age, diabetes, and hypercholesterolemia.ConclusionsEthnic differences in the prevalence of CVD were prominent for individuals without diabetes. Primary CVD prevention including identification of undiagnosed diabetes should be prioritized for ethnic minorities without known diabetes.

Residential mobility, neighbourhood deprivation and children's behaviour in the UK

ABSTRACTPrevious research has shown that people who are in poverty live in deprived neighbourhoods. Ethnic minority groups are more likely than the White majority to be poor and live in such areas. The likelihood of being poor may be reduced by having access to mixed social networks. But, for those living in deprived neighbourhoods there may be neither opportunities nor resources to form and maintain social networks that are mixed in terms of their ethnic or geographic composition. This paper tests this contention, for ethnic groups in the UK. Specifically, we use the UK’s largest household survey to examine the relationship between deprivation and mixing by investigating the following research questions: (1) Does neighbourhood deprivation alter the influence of mixed social network on poverty status? and (2) Is the influence of neighbourhood deprivation and social networks on poverty status equivalent for all ethnic minority groups? Our results suggest that high neighbourhood deprivation tends to over-ride the positive associations of geographically mixed social networks. Moreover, while this result is strong for the White British majority, there is only weak evidence that it holds for ethnic minority groups. This may imply that resource constraints restrict social network benefits, particularly for ethnic minorities.

Worldwide, there is an urgent imperative to provide a housing supply that is environmentally sustainable as well as acceptable and desirable for its users. A holistic and integrative understanding of the relationship between households’ residential preferences and dwellings is needed to achieve this goal. This paper addresses this gap by conceptualizing and operationalizing housing as a system whose human and material behaviours are determined by its function. Following a qualitative literature review to identify what housing functions are and investigate their effects on the housing system, we explore the applicability of such functions in Swiss tenants’ residential mobility. Results show that multiple functions co-exist in the housing realm, each of which determines various human (i.e. residential preferences) and material (i.e. dwelling forms) behaviours that vary according to given societal and environmental structural elements (e.g. geography, culture). We also observe that housing functions potentially provide the missing link between the determinants of tenants’ residential mobility.

The thesis of this paper is that the social identity formed by many of our ethnic minority children, youth, and families is the consequence of being identified as a member of a negatively defined social group. Ethnicity is conceptualized as having a common origin, or culture, that is handed down from one generation to another. One's ethnic identity is based on a mixture of language, religion, race, and or ancestry (Yinger, 1985). The concept of minority is a sociological term referring to dominance or power relationships. Minority groups are said to have unequal or limited access to power in a society (Mindel, Habenstein, & Wright, 1988). Inequality and limited access become dimensions of social identity as members of ethnic minority groups are singled out, labeled, and treated unequally on the basis of their cultural or physical differences from the dominant group.Van Dijk (1993), focusing on discourse analysis and understanding ethnic and racial inequality in society, has studied the ways majority group members write and talk about minorities in everyday conversations, textbooks, news reports, films, jokes, debates, and in academic and corporate discourse. In his analysis (see van Dijk, 1984, 1985, 1987, 1991), he asked: a) How do members or institutions of dominant white groups describe ethnic or racial minorities?; and b) What role do these descriptions play in the development, strengthening, legitimization, and perpetuation of white group dominance? Discourse analysis contributes to the understanding of what takes place the micro level of social practices, involving the enactment and reproduction of intergroup relations and especially prejudice and ethnic stereotyping (van Dijk, 1993:93).In the everyday discourse of activities, ethnic minority individuals are often reminded of their unequal status in society by textbooks read, news heard, conversations overheard, research findings reported, and a number of other sources of information. To be a member of an ethnic minority group is to engage in battle with the forces of negative social identity.As it now stands, much of our knowledge about ethnic minority families is grounded in theories of structure and function, as described by Kingsbury and Scanzoni (1993). Families and society are interacting systems. Families contribute members to society for the workforce. They socialize children and make them productive members of society. However, when families vary substantially from the realm of the familiar and acceptable norms as they make their contributions to society and interact with other systems, they are seen as systems. Dysfunctional systems have negative social identities.Social science is quick to investigate that which is deviant or dysfunctional and make recommendations that are heavily intertwined with, and gain acceptability from, prevalent cultural stereotypes. Comparative studies of race and ethnicity can be questioned on methodological grounds. According to Ragin and Hein (1993), data collected are often truncated and biased, giving the appearance of scholarship but having little methodological substance. The fundamental utility of this kind of research for ethnic minority groups is highly questionable.According to Marger (1991), since the 1920s, research on American ethnic minority families has focused its attention on relations among majority and ethnic minority groups, using a comparative or cross societal framework. The poor and powerless were often compared with others more fortunate (Billingsley, 1970). It is not very different today. For example, there is profuse interest in at risk conditions of ethnic minority children. Risk factors are identified by a comparative mode of isolating conditions thought to impact the developing child. Social scientists have neglected to consider sufficiently the processes within specific contexts that shape social identity as members of ethnic minority groups. …

Research ObjectiveAbout one‐tenth of Medicare Advantage (MA) enrollees voluntarily disenroll from their health plans annually. Voluntary disenrollment is related to beneficiaries’ negative experiences with their plan, disrupts continuity of care, and conflicts with goals to reduce Medicare costs. Research on racial and ethnic differences in voluntary disenrollment is important, as it may inform efforts to reduce racial and ethnic disparities in care. The few prior studies of this topic have had significant limitations, including reliance on administrative data on race and ethnicity that are often missing or inaccurate, failure to control for potential confounding variables such as dual eligibility for Medicare and Medicaid, and use of data that is more than 20 years old. Our investigation of racial and ethnic differences in rates of disenrollment from MA plans overcomes these limitations.Study DesignDisenrollment data came from Medicare’s enrollment system. Social Security Administration data on race and ethnicity were augmented with surname, address, and other Medicare administrative data to calculate probabilities of membership in different racial and ethnic groups. We summarized differences in rates of disenrollment across racial and ethnic groups (Asian or Pacific Islander [API], black, Hispanic, and white) using four types of logistic regression models: adjusted and unadjusted models estimating overall differences and adjusted and unadjusted models estimating within‐plan differences. Unadjusted overall models included only racial and ethnic group probabilities as predictors. Adjusted overall models added age, gender, dual eligibility, disability, and state of residence as control variables. For each model, we calculated the difference from whites for each racial and ethnic minority group. We also estimated differences in disenrollment rates that are attributable to within‐plan effects. Between‐plan differences were estimated by subtracting within‐plan differences from overall differences.Population Studied16 770 319 Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in 736 MA plans nationwide in 2015.Principal FindingsAdjusted rates of disenrollment were significantly (P &lt; .001) higher for Hispanic (+1.2 percentage points), black (+1.2 percentage points), and API beneficiaries (+2.4 percentage points) than for whites. Within states, all three racial and ethnic minority groups tended to be concentrated in higher‐disenrollment plans. More than 70% of the adjusted overall difference between API and white beneficiaries reflected API beneficiaries’ tendency to disenroll from the same plans at markedly higher rates than white beneficiaries.ConclusionsWe identified higher rates of voluntary disenrollment from MA plans for racial and ethnic minorities than for whites, even after controlling for factors such as dual eligibility and disability, which relate to both disenrollment and race and ethnicity. These differences exist partly because racial and ethnic minorities are more concentrated in plans with higher overall disenrollment rates and partly because of higher within‐plan disenrollment rates, particularly among API beneficiaries.Implications for Policy or PracticeRacial and ethnic minorities may require additional—or different—assistance with plan selection than what whites need, as well as improved access to low‐disenrollment plans. Getting to the root of higher voluntary disenrollment rates for racial and ethnic minorities could improve the MA marketplace as well as the care of racial and ethnic minority beneficiaries.Primary Funding SourceCenters for Medicare and Medicaid Services.

Residential satisfaction is a key variable in understanding residential mobility. Many researchers have studied the individual level and neighbourhood level determinants of satisfaction, however, very few have studied which neighbourhood characteristics affect satisfaction for whom. In this paper, ordered logit models are estimated, explaining satisfaction from neighbourhood characteristics, personal characteristics and interactions. These interactions test whether neighbourhood characteristics have similar effects on satisfaction for all individuals, or whether individual characteristics affect the size and direction of these effects. Satisfaction is found to be less affected by the share of ethnic minorities for ethnic minorities than for natives, because minorities are more satisfied in neighbourhoods with higher shares of their own ethnic group. Neighbourhood characteristics are found to have a stronger effect on satisfaction for owner-occupiers and parents with children than for others, however the impact of neighbourhood ethnic composition does not vary with tenure or household type.

BackgroundMedical students from ethnic minorities underperform in knowledge and skills assessments both in pre-clinical and clinical education compared to the ethnic majority group. Motivation, which influences learning and academic performance of medical students, might play an important role in explaining these differences, but is under-investigated. This study aimed to compare two types of motivation (autonomous and controlled) of ethnic minority (Western and non-Western) and majority (Dutch) students, and their association with academic performance.MethodsIn a cross-sectional study, all students of a Dutch medical school were invited to complete a survey including the Academic Self-Regulation Questionnaire, measuring autonomous and controlled motivation, in the academic year 2015–2016. Motivation was compared using Kruskal-Wallis test and performance was compared using One-Way ANOVA. Linear regression analysis was used to determine the association between motivation and performance (grade point average; GPA).ResultsThe response rate was 38.6% (n = 947). Autonomous motivation (AM) of non-Western students was higher than that of Dutch students in pre-clinical and clinical education (p < 0.05). Controlled motivation was higher in Western students than in Dutch students (pre-clinical education; p < 0.05). AM was associated with a higher GPA for Dutch (pre-clinical education; β = 0.33, p < 0.05) and Western students (clinical education; β = 0.57, p < 0.05) only.ConclusionsOur results show significant differences in the type of motivation between the ethnic majority and minority groups. The association of motivation with performance also differs between ethnic groups. We found that AM has a positive influence on GPA. Further research is needed to uncover the underlying mechanisms.