Social norms and the dynamics of practices

Abbreviation, as an old phenomenon in linguistics, is an inherent part of the technical texts and daily communications and as time goes on, making and using abbreviations is rapidly growing. The widespread usage of abbreviations has brought these linguistic formations into the field of translation. The present study aims to investigate differences in translation strategies of abbreviation when they appear in texts produced in different discourses and genres that need to be translated following social norms and conventions of the target language. To analyze abbreviations, their linguistic structures have been thoroughly discussed and they were analyzed according to the taxonomy proposed by Mattiello (2013). Fairclough`s (1995) model of CDA has been adopted to show that translation, as it deals with language, is a social practice and social conventions and norms govern the translation strategies of abbreviations adopted by translators. In this regard, a corpus of 300 abbreviations was circulated. 150 abbreviations were collected from 5 translated books from English to Persian in the field of IR and their translation strategies were compared to 150 abbreviations that were translated in news texts concerning the same genre. The result indicated that while abbreviations in Persian scientific books were mostly borrowed, abbreviations in Persian news texts were translated by descriptive strategy. This implies that translation practice is inconsistent with the social norms and conventions of the target language society and it is the genre and discourse of the text that determines how a text must be translated.

Personal plastic-bottled water use is highly commodified, raising an array of cost and environmental concerns, and continues to grow globally. Studies in lower-income nations suggest safety as a primary motivation for such water purchases, but studies in high-income nations with greater relative affordability suggest it is more tied to socially situated consumer decisions like status and aesthetics. Here, we consider what motivates bottled water use in an urban city (Mashhad) in a middle-income predominantly Muslim country (Iran), where there is a likely intersection of safety (due to contamination), social norms, and status concerns. Surveys were collected with a random population-representative sample of resident adults from discrete households (n = 970). Structured equation modeling testing the relative effects on reported bottled water intentions and use shows that all these factors are shaping people's decisions. Both higher- and lower-income residents' responses suggest that status and social norms considerably influence intentions to use. Overall, even despite real safety issues with tap water, social norms and status concerns seem to weigh more heavily on residents' decisions to drink bottled water.

Chapter 2 - Social Norms and Preferences, Chapter for the Handbook for Social Economics edited by J. Benhabib, A. Bisin and M. Jackson

The extent to which violating social norms is seen as inappropriate varies between social groups. Furthermore, knowledge about how inappropriate it is to violate these social norms is unlikely to be pre-specified. Rather, individuals likely infer information about social norms from their social environments. In an experiment with American participants (N = 834), we find that observing how others evaluate the inappropriateness of a set of social norm violations leads participants to adapt their own inappropriateness evaluations to a different set of social norm violations. This suggests that inferences about the underlying local level of inappropriateness is a feature of norm learning. Our results also suggest that this process may be attuned to the type of norms being processed (General vs. COVID-19 related norms). Overall, this study shows that inference gained through observing others can be generalized and contributes to the ability to adapt and calibrate one’s evaluation of social norm violations to their local environment.

Contract Norms and Contract Enforcement in Graeco-Roman Egypt David M. Ratzan This dissertation explores the ethics and norms associated with contracting in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt as a contribution to the institutional study of ancient contract and its relationship to the economic history of the Roman world. Although ancient contracts in the Hellenistic tradition (i.e., non-Roman law contracts) have been studied rigorously from a legal perspective, there has been no systematic study of contract as an economic institution in the eastern half of the ancient Mediterranean. The first three chapters argue that such a study is a historical desideratum and seek to establish the theoretical and methodological basis and scope of such a project. Theoretically, the most decisive factor in determining the nature, extent, and success of contract as an economic institution is actual enforcement, as opposed to mere legal ―enforceability.‖ While the modern (Western) state has been justly credited with having had a transformative effect on contract by publishing clear rules (i.e., contract law) and providing effective ―thirdparty‖ enforcement, even modern contracts depend on the enforcement activities of the individual parties and the power of social norms. Historically, there is no question that the ancient state, Rome included, was less invested and less effective in its support and promotion of private contracting than its modern counterparts. Ethics and norms therefore played a larger and more important role in ancient contracting than they have in the last century and as such need to be studied in their own right. The nature of the project also argues for Egypt being the primary locus of study, since the papyri afford us the most complete access to ancient individuals and organizations using contracts to organize transactions. After the theoretical and methodological discussion, there follow explorations of several important social values and norms with respect to contracting in Graeco-Roman Egypt, including trust (pistis), ―respect‖ (eugnōmosynē), and ―breach.‖ The results show how ―personal‖ contracting was and reveal some of the ways in which individuals bridged the inevitable ―trust gaps‖ in their efforts to build credible commitments with those outside the immediate circle of their trusted intimates. It also illuminates the discourse of reputation, a key lever in ancient contract formation and enforcement. Finally, the notion of breach is shown to have become both more common and to have evolved conceptually in written contracts over time. It is argued that these changes in the idea and drafting of breach should be interpreted in light of a larger pattern of historical and legal development spanning the second century BCE to the second century CE, a period which witnessed an increasing ―moralization‖ of contract, itself an adaptation to an enforcement regime heavily dependent on ethics and norms. The last chapter offers a synthesis of the findings and a prospectus of the next phase of the project, which turns to the role of the state, arguing that it was generally more effective and activist than the current opinion allows.

In today’s world, films are everywhere. They are not just a source of amusement, but they also have the power to alter people’s daily routines and social standards significantly. This study explores the complex relationship between films and human behaviour, explaining how cultural transmission, narrative framing, and cinematic representations influence both the microandmacro aspects of human existence.Through the lens of representation, films have significant influence over people’s perceptions and actions. The way different identities such as those related to race, gender, sexual orientation, and socioeconomic status are portrayed affects how people view themselves and other people. Movies are a major factor in the formation of societal attitudes and norms, whether they are challenging or reinforcing stereotypes. Movies have the power to change how society views acceptable behaviour, social roles, and beauty standards by supporting or challenging particular images.

Walking—whether for exercise, recreation or transport—often occurs within the bounds of the families, communities and neighbourhoods in which we live. It is a behaviour shaped by our physical and social...

Understanding the public acceptability of road pricing and the roles of older age, social norms, pro-social values and trust for urban policy-making: The case of Bristol

The internet has become an everyday tool to communicate and network with people around the globe, but its perceived anonymity, availability, and instant access have made it an environment conducive to spreading hateful content and connecting to like-minded individuals with similar hateful ideologies. Hate speech and other prejudice-motivated behavior, however, need to be considered on a continuum of victimization, and "like other social processes, [be seen as] dynamic and in a state of constant movement and change, rather than static and fixed" (Bowling, 1993, p. 238). It is a social process that is marked by multiple, repeat, and constant victimization (Bowling, 1993), with victims no longer distinguishing between specific hateful events, and rather normalizing experiences of hateful conduct "as an everyday, unwanted but routine reality of being 'different'" (Chakraborti, 2016, p. 581). Understanding hateful behavior and victimization as a process allows us to connect "low-level" incidents of hateful behavior to the more serious and life-threatening incidents at the more extreme end of the spectrum (Bowling & Phillips, 2002). The Christchurch attacks in New Zealand and their link to hateful communication on the online platform 8chan is only one such example of how online hate speech and cyberhate can escalate to "in real life" attacks, leaving the online sphere and spilling into the offline world. As per Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice, more extreme forms of prejudice-motivated violence are founded on "lower level" acts of prejudice and bias, therefore, hateful content online should not be ignored. Intervening online to interrupt or counter hateful behavior already at the lower end of the scale of prejudice becomes important; online interventions which are to be identified and synthesized through this systematic review. Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice will be the basis for this systematic review. Early on, Allport (1954) asserted that individuals with negative attitudes toward groups are likely to act out on these prejudices "somehow, somewhere" (p. 14), and that the more intense such negative attitudes are, the more hostile the action will be. Allport (1954) put forward a scale of acts of prejudice to illustrate different degrees of acting out negative attitudes, a scale that starts with antilocution (or what we call hate speech), described as explicitly expressing prejudices through negative verbal remarks to either friends or strangers (Allport, 1954). Avoidance is the next level on the scale of prejudice, with people avoiding members of certain groups, followed by discrimination, where distinctions are made between people based on prejudices, which leads to the active exclusion of members from certain groups (Allport, 1954). This level of acting on prejudices is routed in institutional or systemic prejudices, for example, in the differential treatment of people within employment or education practices, but also within the criminal justice system, or through social exclusion of certain minority group members. Physical attack is the next level on the scale of prejudice, which includes violence against members of certain groups by physically acting on negative attitudes or prejudices. The last level is extermination, which is the ultimate act of violence against members of specific groups, an expression of prejudice that systematically eradicates an entire group of people (e.g., genocide or lynchings; Allport, 1954). Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice makes it clear how hate speech/cyberhate is connected to more extreme forms of violence motivated by specific prejudices and biases, with hate speech (or antilocutions) being only the starting point on a 5-point continuum (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020). The importance of this scale of prejudice is not only that it clearly illustrates a range of different ways and intensity levels to act out prejudices, but also the "progression from verbal aggression to physical violence or, in other words, the performative potential of hate speech" (Allport, 1954; Kopytowska & Baider, 2017, p. 138). This is where interventions at the lower level of the scale of prejudices, interventions targeting hate speech/cyberhate, become important. There is no universal definition of hateful conduct online, but there is some consensus that hate speech targets disadvantaged social groups (Jacobs & Potter, 1998). Bakalis (2018) more narrowly defines cyberhate as "any use of technology to express hatred towards a person or persons because of a protected characteristic—namely race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, disability and transgender identity" (p. 87). Another definition that also points out the ambiguity and challenges involved with identifying more subtle forms of hate speech, and also making reference to the potential threat of hate speech escalating to offline violence, is that put forward by Fortuna and Nunes (2018), who analyzed various definitions of hate speech "Hate speech is language that attacks or diminishes, that incites violence or hate against groups, based on specific characteristics such as physical appearance, religion, descent, national or ethnic origin, sexual orientation, gender identity or other, and it can occur with different linguistic styles, even in subtle forms or when humour is used" (p. 5). In this systematic review, we also distinguish hate speech/cyberhate specifically from other forms of harmful online activity, such as cyber-bullying, harassment, trolling or flaming, as perpetrators of such online behavior repeatedly and systematically target specific individuals to cause upset, to seek out negative reactions, or to create discord on the internet. In contrast, hate speech/cyberhate is more general and does not necessarily target a specific individual (Al-Hassan & Al-Dossari, 2019), instead hate speech/cyberhate heavily features prejudice, bias and intolerance toward certain groups within society. With the majority of hate speech happening online, interventions that take place online are an important way to challenge prejudice and bias, potentially reaching masses of people across the globe. The unique feature of the internet is that such individual negative attitudes toward minority groups and more extreme hateful ideology can find its way onto certain platforms and can instantly connect people sharing similar prejudices. By closing the social and spatial distance, the internet creates a form of collective identity (Perry, 2000, p. 123) and can convince individuals with even the most extreme ideologies that others out there share their views (Gerstenfeld et al., 2003). In addition, the enormous frequency of hate speech/cyberhate within online environments creates a sense of normativity to hatred and the potential for acts of intergroup violence or political radicalization (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020, p. 9). It is, therefore, important to challenge this hate speech epidemic (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020), especially since hate movements have increasingly crossed into the mainstream (Perry, 2000). With hate speech/cyberhate posing a threat to the social order by violating social norms (Soral et al., 2018), perceptions of social norms as either supporting or opposing prejudice has been found to have an influence on how individuals react online (Hsueh et al., 2015). Seeing other people post prejudiced (opposed to antiprejudiced) comments online can lead to the adoption of an online group's biases and can influence an individual's own perceptions and feelings toward the targeted stigmatized group (Hsueh et al., 2015). In addition, research around desensitization also suggests that being exposed to hate speech leads to desensitization, which further leads to an increase in outgroup prejudice toward groups targeted by such speech (Soral et al., 2018). With society increasingly recognizing that it is inappropriate to express prejudices in public settings, many interventions will include some form of social norms nudging to reduce such prejudices; interventions that "nudge behavior in the desired direction" (Titley et al., 2014, p. 60). Therefore, hate speech not only affects minority group members, but also has an influence on opinions of majority group members (Soral et al., 2018), which makes strategies that can elicit change in people's prejudice-related attitudes crucial (see, e.g., Zitek & Hebl, 2007). Governments around the world face increased demand for understanding and countering hateful ideology and violent extremism both online and offline (e.g., the Christchurch Call in New Zealand). The U.S. Government's 2011 CVE Strategy highlights the importance of ongoing research and analysis, the sharing of knowledge and best practices internationally, and the countering of hateful ideologies and propaganda (see also Department of Homeland Security, 2016, 2019). The goal of this systematic review is to use an integrated and interdisciplinary approach to examine the effectiveness of online campaigns and strategies for reducing hate speech and cyberhate. The internet also provides an opportunity to reach masses of people who have been exposed to hateful content and ideology online, therefore, this systematic review will focus on online interventions addressing online hate speech and cyberhate. The specific settings where we would expect to see the online interventions deployed will be on websites, text messaging applications, and online and social media platforms including, but not limited to, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, WhatsApp, Google, YouTube, and Snapchat. As mentioned previously, many online interventions will be based on social norm nudges to reduce online hate. These interventions aim to change people's online behavior and encourage individuals or groups to conform to established social norms. The communication of social norms can happen through establishing community standards on online platforms themselves (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, etc.), through more formal online training courses, or through anti-hate speech/anti-cyberhate campaigns teaching people to recognize hate, embrace diversity, and stand up to bias. Such prevention campaigns are designed to challenge bias and build ally behaviors by supplying people with constructive responses to combat, for example, antisemitism racism, and homophobia, as well as provide resources to help people explore and critically reflect on current events. Other interventions may add messages to hateful online comments, counter hateful content or extremist ideology, or redirect people to more credible sources. Both peers and parents have been found to foster racial consciousness and identity development, define interracial relationships and cultivate ethnic heritage and culture (Hagerman, 2016). Socialization influences how children understand their group's social position and their membership within that group by providing an understanding of racial, religious, and sexual privilege (Bowman & Howard, 1985). Socialization often reflects peers' and parents' experiences with racism, discrimination, and their ideological perspectives about race, religion, or sexuality (Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004). This is important because peers and parents who feel discriminated against or believe that the "other" is a threat may impart their prejudices to their children or friends, which could lead them to interpret the social world with similar discriminatory views and/or behavior. Individuals who feel socially alienated or rejected are especially vulnerable to such socialization practices as they feel that adopting these views will provide them with a sense of acceptance and belonging (Leiken, 2012). Regardless of how an individual develops certain racial, religious, or sexual biases, the online interventions under review are expected to target and reduce the production of original hateful content such as antisemitic Tweets and/or homophobic blog posts as well as the consumption of hate speech material (e.g., watching or reading hate speech videos or blogs). For example, some interventions take a rather broad messaging approach by implementing racial sensitivity and diversity training through Public Service Announcements, peer-to-peer dialogue workshops, or films that provide opportunities for youth and adults to self-reflect and learn about historical oppression, people of color, women, and the LGBTQIA+ community from credible sources. The factual understanding of diverse groups is often supplemented by experiences with people within the group. These educational programs often identify a cultural guide who is willing to introduce youth to new experiences and who can aid in processing thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. These interventions intend to dispute and contradict negative stereotypes associated with specific cultures, people, and institutions by sharing different points of view based on human rights values such as openness, respect for difference, freedom, and equality (Gomes, 2017). Moreover, such interventions tend to involve blanket bans on specific behaviors enforced through the public promotion of norms or individual sanctions enforced by moderators. Other interventions, such as the "Redirect Method," are narrower in their messaging. These interventions generate curated playlists and collections of authentic content that challenge hate speech/cyberhate narratives and propaganda (Helmus & Klein, 2018). For instance, people who are directly searching for extremist content online may be linked to videos and written content that confronts such claims. These videos are designed to be objective in appearance instead of containing material that explicitly counters extremist propaganda. The underlying goal of this type of interventions is to provide credible content that effectively undermines extremist messaging but does not overtly attack the source of propaganda. In addition to confronting hate speech narratives, these interventions provide users with links to numerous social services such as anger management training, drug and alcohol treatment, and mental health resources. Online platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, have also started to employ a similar method, redirecting people who comment on or share "fake news" or conspiracy theories, which often are fraught with prejudicial undertones and are harmful to minority groups, to more credible content and news sources. The aforementioned interventions are designed to counter-balance these biased perceptions (e.g., unsupported claims of the Black community as criminal or the LGBTQIA+ community as pathologized) Blacks as criminals, LGBTQIA+ as pathologized) by blunting the occurrence of racist discourse and reducing the likelihood these individuals will internalize and normalize racial, religious, and/or sexual prejudices (Qian et al., 2019). Being in new situations is uncomfortable and often awakens fears and apprehensions that can block our experiential development. Acquiring information or being exposed to minority-run businesses, poverty, and writings from minority authors allows a person to understand the thoughts, hopes, fears, and aspirations of the people outside their racial perspective rather than from the perspective of the majority society (Dunham et al., 2013; Lee et al., 2017). Doing so, counters racist programming by challenging hegemonic beliefs, which can lead to the acceptance of tolerant attitudes and the reduction of hateful expressions online. Findings from the proposed review will enhance our understanding of the effectiveness of online anti-hate speech/anti-hate interventions, will help ensure that programming funds are dedicated to the most-effective efforts, and will play a critical role in helping individual programs improve the quality of service provisions. It will inform governments and policymakers of the current state of such online efforts, what works and which modes of interventions to implement, and help guide economically viable investments in nation-state security. Our search of the scholarly literature identified one review, Blaya (2019), as similar to the proposed topic. Blaya's (2019) review, however, focused on the prevalence, type, and characteristics of existing interventions for counteracting cyberhate and did not include a meta-analysis. Two other similar reviews focused on exposure to extremist online content (Hassan et al., 2018) and communication channels associated with cyber-racism (Bliuc et al., 2018). A search of the Campbell Library using key terms (hate OR radical*) returned two protocols and one review identified for further inspection to assess potential overlap. The protocols include "Psychosocial processes and intervention strategies behind Islamist deradicalization: A scoping review" by de Carvalho et al. (2019) and "Police programs that seek to increase community connectedness for reducing violent extremism behavior, attitudes and beliefs" by Mazerolle et al. (2020). A further review on a similar topic is a recently completed Campbell review (January 2020), "Counter-narratives for the prevention of violent radicalization: A systematic review of targeted interventions" by Carthy et al. (2018) at the National University of Ireland, Galway. Our proposed review is distinguished from the de Carvalho et al. (2019) review in that we are focusing on hate speech and cyberhate generally without delimiting our approach to a specific type of radicalization (e.g., Islamist). Furthermore, we are electing to complete a systematic review and meta-analysis. Likewise, the protocol by Mazerolle et al. (2020) focuses on interventions involving police officers either as initiators, recipients, or implementers of community connectedness interventions. Our review will focus specifically on any online intervention, which may or may not involve police, but police will not be the focus nor be the basis of the online intervention strategy. Judging from Carthy et al. (2018) protocol, we anticipate our review will also capture counter-narrative interventions, but will differ based on setting, timing, and scope of interventions. Specifically, we are interested in online interventions that extend beyond counter-messaging campaigns to include a broad array of interventions outlined above and extend beyond radicalization to include everyday hate and prejudice. In addition to conducting a meta-analysis, the proposed review would build on Blaya's (2019) work by expanding the population parameters to include both adolescents as well as adults. Blaya (2019) limited her search to include interventions aimed toward youth, young people, children, young adults, adolescents, children, and teenagers and did not focus on extremism. The main objective of this review is to synthesize the available evidence on the effectiveness of online interventions aimed at reducing the creation and/or consumption of online hate speech/cyberhate material. To what extent are online interventions effective in reducing online hate speech/cyberhate? How is effectiveness related to the type of online hate speech/cyberhate intervention used? How is effectiveness related to the characteristics of individuals experiencing the online hate speech/cyberhate intervention (e.g., age, gender, race/ethnicity, offense history, childhood trauma)? Both experimental and quasi-experimental quantitative studies will be included. These study designs will address research questions #1 to #3. Eligible quantitative study designs include the following: Eligible experimental designs must involve random assignment of participants to distinct treatment and control group(s). Designs that involve quasi-random assignment of participants such as alternate case assignment are also eligible and will be coded as experimental designs. All eligible quasi-experimental designs must include a comparison group of participants compared to participants in the treatment condition. Eligible studies include those that report matching procedures (individual- or group-level) and statistical procedures employed to achieve equivalency between groups. Statistical procedures may but are not limited to, analysis, and Furthermore, in of a limited quantitative evidence we will also include quasi-experimental studies with comparison groups that provide of for both groups. will also be included. Eligible include designs with a control group and designs with or without a control group than quasi-experimental designs include studies that a comparison group of participants who either to in the study or who in a but out to the of a Eligible comparison include other online interventions or in which participants not or an online Both youth and participants of any gender sexual orientation, or will be eligible for this review. The eligible youth population will be study participants with a of through The eligible population will be study participants with a of and in which only a of the is eligible for example, a study in both online and offline hate speech be not anticipate studies based on as our will be and we will take to studies that only online interventions. will of the of a study for through and be we will elicit the of a the of and studies will be these studies will be they will be and be in the and any related Blaya's (2019) of intervention strategies to the potential of eligible interventions. The intervention is the of responses to hate speech/cyberhate, which includes the countering of violent extremism and to address online interventions that are eligible range from hateful content online specific (e.g., of social media to to online hate using targeted strategies (e.g., through hateful of studies focusing on online include the and of online and content online content and & 2018), hateful online comments to comments et al., 2018), and to users out of online are also interested in interventions such as the of 8chan this online platform linked to "in real life" attacks in New Zealand and the and interventions that further hateful online content and radicalization similar events. hateful content online such has up speech as well as around online users and hateful groups on to other online to hateful content online using targeted strategies therefore, been as an effective online include using the from & 2020), the use of to online responses to in online where hate speech has been (Qian et al., 2019), and redirecting online users to videos for example, Our systematic review will include a range of online interventions, many of which have only recently Two other strategies identified by Blaya (2019) are the and of hate speech/cyberhate using technology as well as the creation of online and These interventions include online counter-narrative the and/or use of online counter online interventions, online training, and online narrowly to address extremist ideologies and hate speech that incites targeted violence and In such interventions seek to or the occurrence of violent extremism or the of hate speech and extremist by channels and opportunities to such groups. The and intervention eligible for this systematic review educational programs for example, provide people with online and challenge 2019). will include online programs with an online (e.g., and and educational and online interventions. of these interventions may by individuals no longer in the creation and/or consumption of cyberhate and extremist material online. These online interventions may be by and internet service or or in the case of interventions. The comparison may be routine exposure and to hate speech/cyberhate or online The of is the creation and/or consumption of hateful content online. By we to the production and of original hateful content such as antisemitic racist and/or homophobic blog The consumption of hate speech material may include or being a of a hate watching or reading hate speech videos or being a target of online hate speech/cyberhate, or hate speech material. of include and of study participants such as and attitudes toward hate Eligible studies must report a or (or to be included. There will be no exclusion on the source of for the and can be from any institutional or completed by will include any of from strategies to increase the scale of of potentially effective anti-hate speech and interventions for These could include to or to the creation of and behaviors. can also include such as a of hate speech/cyberhate to other platforms instead of a reduction of hate All described in eligible studies will be in the will focus on the between and the current The starting with the when the internet to a and community et al., are for an approach in the lower end of our search to the may be it is hate speech/cyberhate online through or and some studies may capture Our population of studies will also be limited to studies in and but of studies completed in any as we are focused on online content that can be and across and nation-state The language parameters reflect the language of the review Our will where studies the of study in will be between the members of the review These will be and as a from the protocol in the review. In the of a change in we will search online OR OR internet OR Twitter OR OR 8chan OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR speech" OR cyberhate OR OR OR OR OR speech OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR peer-to-peer OR OR OR

This chapter discusses social norms with attention to their significance for researching and designing digital touch communication in a global world, notably gendered and cultural touch norms. It explores how social and cultural norms shape the ways that people (and machines) touch. Touch norms are shaped, regulated and enforced through social, economic, familial and legal mechanisms, they organise our experiences and expectations. Understanding of the touch norms that people, including digital touch researchers and designers, bring to their interactions with others provides a route into understanding the sociality that shapes digital touch. We discuss the significance of these given the expectations of the user, their touch repertoires, and the social cultural role that norms play in the take up and use of mediated digital touch communication devices and systems and environments. The chapter concludes that reflexive engagement with touch norms can provide insights and inspiration for thinking about, researching and designing digital touch communication, and help to address how cultural and gendered norms of touch might be engaged with, to constrain and re-produce or open-up the meaning potentials of digital touch.

Background: MSMEs dominate the Indonesian economy. The growth of MSMEs shows that the number of MSMEs is quite large and continues to increase every year, thus indicating that MSMEs may be able to generate tax revenue. Semarang City is no exception. However, the problem is that MSMEs still view taxes as a burden that must be minimized and there is a lack of supervision from the tax authorities. Purpose: The aim of the research is to determine the influence of personal norms and tax compliance intentions on tax compliance behavior in MSMEs for processed agricultural products in Semarang City. Design/methodology/approach: The researcher used TPB. The idea that social and moral norms originate from subjective norms is examined in this study. Social norms focus more on providing social expectations and often aim to maintain harmony in a group or society, originate from society or social groups, and are often taught or enforced through socialization, social supervision, and social sanctions. Moral norms focus on behavior that is considered right or wrong from a moral or ethical perspective, are often related to a sense of personal responsibility or justice, originate from internal values, ethics, religion, or philosophy believed by the individual, and can vary from one individual to another, although they are often also influenced by certain religious or philosophical teachings. Three variables personal norms, intentions, and behavior, were used in this study. The questionnaires were given to UMKM taxpayers for processed agricultural products in Semarang City, totaling 120 respondents. PLS-SEM was used for the analysis.Findings/Result: The first hypothesis is that personal norms have an impact on intentions. The second hypothesis is accepted which shows that tax compliance intentions have a positive and significant influence on tax compliance behavior. The Influence of Personal Norms on Intention where the statistical value for the personal norm and intention variables are respectively, the P value is 0.000 < 0.050 and the T statistic value is 7.706 > 1.96 so that the hypothesis is accepted. The Influence of Intention on Behavior, where the P value is 0.002 < 0.050 and the T statistic value is 3.117 > 1.96 so that the hypothesis is accepted. The Influence of Personal Norms on Behavior, where the P value is 0.000 < 0.050 and the T statistic value is 4.010 > 1.96 so that the third hypothesis - namely, that personal norms have a major impact on behavior is accepted. The Influence of Intention on Behavior where the P value is 0.002 < 0.050 and the T statistic value is 3.117 > 1.96 so that the hypothesis of intention has a major impact on behavior is accepted by the test.Conclusion: The behavior is very positively influenced by personal norms and the intention to comply with taxes in MSMEs for processed agricultural products in the city of Semarang. The implications are: The Importance of Tax Education and Counseling, The Role of Moral and Ethical Values in Tax Compliance, The Influence of the Social Environment, The Need to Improve the Perception of Ease in Paying Taxes. Originality/value (State of the art): Originality/value of this research is that this research highlights the importance of education and counseling about taxes for MSMEs, as well as the need for policies that support and facilitate the taxation process for this sector. Keywords: tax compliance, agricultural products, MSMEs, personnel norms, social norms

In ontogenetic development, the human individual is a subject to the influence of various socialization entities. The aim of this publication is to analyze the socialization influences by various social environments in particular periods of human development. Socialization mechanisms are, more or less consciously, used by socialization entities. In the first stages of a child’s development, the socialization process is intensified to the greatest degree and extent. Through direct interpersonal contacts with their parents, a child learns its first words, expressing feelings, thoughts, social norms and behaviors. During the functioning of a school-age child, the influence of socialization entities increases. In this phase of a child’s life, socialization influences not only the family, but also the school, the peer group, the Church, and the mass media. At the age of adolescence, the family as a social environment has limited socialization functions. Then the influences of non-family environments intensify. The period of adulthood, in which partnerships or marriages are formed, result in the mutual socialization of partners in terms of the uniformity of behavior patterns, values, social norms, attitudes, etc. in social behavior, on the other hand, through intra-family communication, they transmit traditions, customs and habits to the young generation. Social and emotional threats to socialization entities may adversely cause the development of the socialization of a human being.

To understand the prevalence of and factors associated with unprotected anal intercourse (UAI) among men who have sex with men (MSM) in Beijing. Five hundred MSM were recruited for a survey using Respondent Driven Sampling (RDS) method, from September to October in 2009. A computer-assisted, interviewer-administered questionnaire was used to gather information including demographics, sexual behaviors and condom use social norms (a scaled number). Variables were evaluated by using RDSAT and SAS software. Mean age of the participants was 30.6 years, with 96.0% of them as Han ethnicity and 68.5% having had at least high school or higher education level. 72.8% of them were unmarried, with 61.7% of them identified themselves as homosexual, 61.2% had > 1 male partners in the past six months, and the prevalence of UAI was 42.0%. Significant bivariate predictors of UAI would include condom use social norms score, role for anal sex with male sex partner, number of male sexual partners in the past 6 months and amount of alcohol consumed. In multivariable analysis, UAI was associated with a higher condom use social norms score (AOR = 1.2, 95%CI: 1.1 - 1.3), receptive anal intercourse (AOR = 2.0, 95%CI: 1.3 - 3.2) and drinking alcohol more than 3 times per month in the past 12 months (AOR = 1.6, 95%CI: 1.1 - 2.5). The prevalence of UAI was high in the MSM community in Beijing, suggesting that efforts should be targeting on how to make the condom use a social norm and being promoted.

The digital change transforming appealing packaging into a new communication medium linked with the internet has heralded a new era in relationships and intimacy. Dating apps and hook-ups result from technology's influence on social factors, including interpersonal concerns, and its ability to mediate various users' everyday activities. This study analyzed the main criteria and indicators used to understand the phenomenon of social change and interaction dynamics through the dating apps in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Researchers used combined quantitative and qualitative approaches to conduct in-depth investigations into interaction and gender dynamics in Indonesian dating culture via dating apps. Data were collected using in-depth interviews and observations and distributing 220 questionnaires to research respondents. Of the responses received, 202 or 91.82% were analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) technique using the SmartPLS application. The four exogenous variables used are privacy, turbulence, control, and norms, each measured using predetermined indicators. The research results show a significant correlation between privacy, turbulence, control, through norms, and the use of dating apps. In contrast, calculating the direct path for only one exogenous variable has a significant influence. This is an interesting finding because the dominant use of dating apps continues to limit and control itself by the social, cultural, environmental, and religious norms it adheres to. This research expands the understanding of individual behavior in meeting needs and finding a partner even through digital media, which may be useful as a reference for social observers, community communication, and psychology for general use as a basis for developing further research. The study highlights the importance of addressing sociocultural and religious norms in dating app usage, emphasizing the need for enhanced personal communication design, privacy security, self-control, and individual shock to navigate societal norms.

Relevance. Despite the significant amount of research in the field of trauma psychology, today there is a shortage of works devoted to the influence of traumatic experience on the process of socialization of the individual in adolescence. This issue becomes especially relevant in the context of understanding how traumatic events affect self-perception, the formation of social ties, and the ability of young people to integrate into society. Methodology. The analysis of relevant scientific sources, synthesis and generalization of approaches to the study of post-traumatic states and socialization were used, the classification and specification of factors that influence the socialization of the individual of adolescence who has experienced trauma were carried out. Results. The article reveals the characteristic features of traumatic experiences of young people and their influence on the social behavior of a person at this age, and specific changes in the perception of social roles and values ​​that affect the processes of socialization of young people after trauma are revealed. The key role of traumatic experience in the formation of behavioral models and social adaptation of young people is indicated. The impact of trauma on the individual's perception of social norms, values, and the possibility of integration into society is shown. It is emphasized that traumatic experiences can lead to social isolation, disruption of interpersonal relationships, and the development of asocial or deviant behavior in a young person. Socialization after trauma becomes a complex process that requires special support and correction. Conclusions. Traumatic experiences significantly affect the process of socialization of an adolescent individual, determining their ability to integrate into society and adapt to social norms. Resocialization after trauma is associated with the need to overcome internal conflicts, restore social ties, and reintegration into the social environment. Its outcome depends on how much the individual is able to correlate their experiences with social norms and values, as well as on support from social institutions.