Social Protests in Colombia

Latinx Agencies:Emerging Histories of Politicians, Religious Leaders, and Undocumented Migrants Kris Klein Hernández (bio) Benjamin Francis-Fallon , The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2019. 494 pp. Notes, bibliography, acknowledgments, and index. $36.00 Geraldo Cadava , The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump . New York: Ecco Books, 2020. 418 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $17.99 Tony Tian-Ren Lin , Prosperity Gospel Latinos and Their American Dream. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2020. 202 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $24.95 Benjamin Francis-Fallon, The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2019. 494 pp. Notes, bibliography, acknowledgments, and index. $36.00 Geraldo Cadava, The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump. New York: Ecco Books, 2020. 418 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $17.99 Tony Tian-Ren Lin, Prosperity Gospel Latinos and Their American Dream. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2020. 202 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $24.95 Michael Fortner's 2015 Black Silent Majority: The Rockefeller Drug Laws and the Politics of Punishment put forth a controversial thesis: "black middle-class morality" and "members of the black silent majority" compelled this particular Black socioeconomic group to "prioritize public safety over economic and racial inequality. It drove them to rally and rail against 'hoodlums' instead of seeking reform of society." 1 Fortner's analysis of late 1960s and 1970s drug laws and ethnic-racial identity provided a different interpretation into mass incarceration's origins that would continue to proliferate under President Ronald Reagan's "war on drugs." 2 Fortner asked scholars to take "black agency seriously" when considering an African American history that did not reflect Black people simply as victims or as interlocutors in a declension narrative or narrative of dominance. 3 Furthermore, he wrote that specialists could acknowledge Black agency while not maintaining that African Americans had complete control over political outcomes. 4 Historians such as Donna Murch, Khalil Gibran Muhammad, and Heather Ann Thompson have all disputed Fortner's reconstitution of Black agency for false structural agency, arguing that there are not sufficient sources to reframe one of the origins behind mass incarceration to a Black middle class. 5 Yet Fortner's book leaves its reader with a particular question: if scholars place agency onto racialized communities, [End Page 599] how have people of color contributed to conservative, and at times, racist legislation? I start this review essay with Fortner's consideration of agency for a myriad of reasons. The three books under consideration all examine groups of people who have been understood within the lens of conservativism, traditional (white Euro-American) values, and at times, religious exclusion. Framing an analysis of these monographs through the lens of structural agency helps move past political and cultural attitudes to grapple with the everyday choices that Latina conservatives, Hispanic Republicans, and Pentecostal Mexicans have made over the course of the twentieth and twenty-first century. Like Black Silent Majority, some of the content in these monographs illuminates the lives of people of color who helped forge federal policies that have been characterized as exclusionary or conservative. Benjamin Francis-Fallon's 2019 The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History is one of several recent introductions to post-1960s U.S. politics that detail how Latinos and Hispanics contributed to and ultimately helped shape American government. Francis-Fallon illustrates how scholars of political science and history must reconsider the role that Latinos played within the federal administrations of presidents such as John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon, and even into the Bush eras (both George H.W. and George W.) In eleven chapters, the author demonstrates how Latino politics even "transformed the [U.S.] Republican Party as well," providing the reader a bird's-eye view into American politics (p. 5). In short, the monograph is a good entry into the growing field of Latinx political history, and will no doubt help spawn further regional studies into Latinx political science and Latinx history. I appreciate how Francis-Fallon begins his monograph with a quick overview into early Cuban, Mexican American, and...

Will the growth of economic interdependence since the Second World War help to maintain the peace that we have seen for more than fifty years among the great powers? Some argue that the benefits that come from being integrated into today's world economy make it unlikely that countries will pursue aggressive policies. Others are not so sanguine, arguing that international economic ties have little effect on the making of national security strategies.Power Ties contradicts both arguments. Analyzing the history of the great-power system since the late nineteenth century, Paul Papayoanou shows that international economic relations have a significant impact on states's security strategies. A great power's economic ties generate powerful domestic economic interests that influence a leader's ability to mobilize support and resources for credibly opposing threatening powers in the international system. This accounts for the strength or weakness of alliance commitments and defense expenditures, and in turn, the likelihood that aspiring revisionist powers will be deterred from initiating a military offensive that upsets the territorial status quo. Power Ties also revises much of the conventional wisdom about the pacifying effects of economic interdependence, for it demonstrates that extensive economic ties are not necessarily associated with peace and can make war more likely.Papayoanou's union of theory and history provides a bold new interpretation of the most significant developments in international politics over the past century. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, history, and international relations.Paul Papayoanou is Assistant Professor of Political Science and Assistant Adjunct Professor, Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California, San Diego.

essays in this volume are drawn from the tenth anniversary conference of the Center for the Study of Citizenship at Wayne State University, whose theme, The Meaning of Citizenship, provided an opportunity to reflect on a decade of study in the field. In an academic area where definitions are dynamic and multidisciplinary, editors Richard Marback and Marc W. Kruman have assembled fifteen contributors to show some of the rich nuances of membership in a political community. Meaning of Citizenship addresses four dimensions of citizenship: the differentiation of citizenship in theory and practice, the proper horizon of citizenship, the character of civic bonds, and the resolution of conflicting civic and personal obligations. Contributors answer these questions from varying disciplinary perspectives, including ethnography, history, and literary analysis. Essays also consider the relevance of these questions in a number of specific regions, from Africa to the Caribbean, Middle East, Europe, and the United States. By identifying the meaning of citizenship in terms of geographic specificity and historical trajectory, the essays in this volume argue as a whole for a cross-disciplinary approach to the issues of inclusion and exclusion that are generated through any assertion of what citizenship means. four primary concerns taken up by the contributors to this volume are as timely as they are timeless. Scholars of history, political science, sociology, and citizenship studies will appreciate this conversation about the full meaning of citizenship.

Later described as the “torso” of all prior and future work, scholars of history, philosophy, political science, and literature from 1760–1830 should know Isaiah Berlin's perspectives on Romantic t...

During the 1920s, Mexico was caught in a diplomatic struggle between the ideologies of two strong states. In The Impossible Triangle, Daniela Spenser explores the tangled relationship between Russia and Mexico in the years following their own dramatic revolutions, as well as the role played by the United States during this turbulent period. Bringing together Mexican, Soviet, and North American (as well as British) perspectives, Spenser shows how the convergence of each country's domestic and foreign policies precluded them from a harmonious triangular relationship. Based on documents from the archives of several nations - the book analyses the Mexican government's motivation for establishing relations with the Soviet Union in the face of continued imperialist pressure and harsh opposition from the United States. Spenser explores how, despite U.S. objections to Mexico's relations with the Soviet Union, Mexico continued its association with the Soviets until the United States adopted the Good Neighbour Policy and softened its stance toward Mexico's revolutionary program after 1927. With a foreword by Friedrich Katz and illustrated by illuminating photographs, The Impossible Triangle contributes to an understanding of the international dimension of the Mexican revolution. It will interest students and scholars of history, revolutionary theory, political science, diplomacy, and international relations.

ABSTRACTThrough a critical analysis of some of the most popular theoretical approaches in mainstream political studies, the paper draws attention to the dichotomist interpretations of the political made by political scientists in the context of social movements, either celebrating their ‘truly’ political and radical nature, or deeming them conformist and post-political. It suggests that both discourses, but especially the insistent discourse of de-politicisation by political scientists must be viewed critically as it contributes to what might be called as ‘outsourcing’ the political merely to social movements while reserving themselves the possibility of remaining politically non-engaged. In encouraging discussion on engaged scholarship in political science, the paper proposes that instead of expecting others to ‘reoccupy’ the political, political scientists should politicise themselves – and do so in a close relationship with social movements through the practices of unlearning privileges and solidarity based on the ‘ethics of sharing’, which can help to transcend the binary between political theory and political practice.

This chapter highlights the longstanding call for increased diversity, particularly in terms of gender, race, and socioeconomic backgrounds within the field of political science. It specifically focuses on the intellectual advantages of racial diversity in the discipline, contending that it enhances the quality of research. Racial diversity not only brings a variety of research themes but also a range of methodological approaches. Despite significant underrepresentation of Black scholars in political science, they have pioneered innovative research on new subjects and introduced novel methodological techniques. These contributions span various subfields, including international relations, political theory, and race and ethnic politics. The chapter highlights the striking lack of diversity in tenure-track faculty positions at leading PhD-granting institutions and the scarcity of PhDs awarded to Black scholars across various disciplines. The chapter also provides several examples of the theoretical richness and innovations stemming from Black scholars’ work and underscores how these insights may not have arisen from White scholars. It emphasizes the role of identity in shaping research questions, theoretical approaches, and the capability to investigate various topics. In conclusion, the chapter stresses that addressing the demographic imbalances within the profession will enrich political science by enhancing the diversity of theoretical questions, approaches, and the capacity to address crucial research inquiries. It also points out that political science lags behind many related disciplines in terms of demographic diversity, and similar intellectual benefits can be expected if these issues are addressed in other fields like economics, history, psychology, and sociology.

For the first time in its history, the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association will take place in Seattle, Washington. Join APSA in this exciting new location to address the latest scholarship in political science and connect with colleagues from around the world. Convening in a contemporary urban environment surrounded by the natural beauty of the Pacific Northwest, the 2011 Annual Meeting and Exhibition will have something for scholars at every stage of their careers. 7,000 political scientists are expected to travel to Seattle to take part in this premier event in the field.

For many inside and outside the legal academy, the right place to look for law is in constitutions, statutes, and judicial opinions. This book looks for law in the "wrong places"-sites and spaces in which no formal law appears. These may be geographic regions beyond the reach of law, everyday practices ungoverned or ungovernable by law, or works of art that have escaped law's constraints. <italic>Looking for Law in All the Wrong Places</italic> brings together essays by leading scholars of anthropology, cultural studies, history, law, literature, political science, race and ethnic studies, religion, and rhetoric to look at law from the standpoint of the humanities. Beyond showing law to be determined by or determinative of distinct cultural phenomena, the contributors show how law is itself interwoven with language, text, image, and culture. Many essays look for law in the kinds of "wrong places" where there appears to be no law. They find in these places not only reflections and remains of law, but rules and practices that seem indistinguishable from law and raise challenging questions about the locations of law and law's meaning and function. Other essays do the opposite: rather than looking for law in places where law does not obviously appear, they look in statute books and courtrooms from perspectives that are presumed to have nothing to say about law. Looking at law sideways, upside down, or inside out defamiliarizes law. These essays show what legal understanding can be gained when law is denied its proper domain.

After more than sixty years of occupation by the U.S. Navy and intensive community struggles, the Puerto Rican island of Vieques was finally returned to civilian control in 2003. But, as this book documents, the Viequenses&amp;rsquo; struggles were far form over after the departure of the Navy. The Viequenses were left to contend with the devastating effects of sixty-two years of bombing; the environment and health of the population had been severely harmed. Yet this was a minor issue in comparison to the effects of the newly instated tourism industry on the island. Drawing from ethnographic research conducted between 2004 to 2016, Luis Galanes Valldejuli captures the larger social conflict derived from the arrival of tourists, who brought change to the island in the form of land speculation, work conflicts, racism, language barriers, and neoliberalism. A close observer of the Viequenses, Valldejuli details the deleterious effects of tourism on the voice of the Viequenses: they were no longer heard. This book is recommended for scholars of anthropology, tourism studies, linguistics, cultural geography, political science, and history.

The Singapore parliament's creation of an elected presidency in 1991 was the biggest constitutional and political change in Singapore's modern era. This multi-disciplinary study gathers papers from leading scholars in law, history, political science and economics to examine how political change is managed in Singapore. It is an authoritative addition to debates surrounding the management of political change in developing countries more generally.

Twenty Years of School-based Mass Shootings in the United States: Columbine to Santa Fe is an examination of twenty years of school-based mass shootings, from Columbine to Santa Fe, exploring the larger environmental framework within which these incidents occurred. Angelyn Spaulding Flowers and Cotina Lane Pixley use a mixed-methods approach to examine a diverse set of factors, identifying risk and protective factors along with specifically desired public policy responses by evaluating the convergence of variables from the range of school-based mass shootings included in this study. These variables include the type of weapon used, the availability of that type of weapon, perpetrator characteristics, school characteristics, as well as the geospatial and demographic characteristics of the school neighborhood. These school-based mass shooting incidents are explored at both the state and regional level and are further discussed in comparison to leisure time gun use, homicide rates, and suicide rates in the geographical area. The overarching geospatial analytical framework for this research also includes an examination of the manner in which existing policy enactments such as state gun laws vary by geography. Spaulding Flowers and Lane Pixley argue that the increased number of fatalities in school-based mass shooting is largely due to the increased lethality of the weapons, and they propose alternative solutions. Scholars of criminology, sociology, political science, and history will find this book particularly useful.

Twenty Years of School-based Mass Shootings in the United States: Columbine to Santa Fe is an examination of twenty years of school-based mass shootings, from Columbine to Santa Fe, exploring the larger environmental framework within which these incidents occurred. Angelyn Spaulding Flowers and Cotina Lane Pixley use a mixed-methods approach to examine a diverse set of factors, identifying risk and protective factors along with specifically desired public policy responses by evaluating the convergence of variables from the range of school-based mass shootings included in this study. These variables include the type of weapon used, the availability of that type of weapon, perpetrator characteristics, school characteristics, as well as the geospatial and demographic characteristics of the school neighborhood. These school-based mass shooting incidents are explored at both the state and regional level and are further discussed in comparison to leisure time gun use, homicide rates, and suicide rates in the geographical area. The overarching geospatial analytical framework for this research also includes an examination of the manner in which existing policy enactments such as state gun laws vary by geography. Spaulding Flowers and Lane Pixley argue that the increased number of fatalities in school-based mass shooting is largely due to the increased lethality of the weapons, and they propose alternative solutions. Scholars of criminology, sociology, political science, and history will find this book particularly useful.

When States Go Broke collects insights and analysis from leading academics and practitioners that discuss the ongoing fiscal crisis among the American states. No one disagrees with the idea that the states face enormous political and fiscal challenges. There is, however, little consensus on how to fix the perennial problems associated with these challenges. This volume fills an important gap in the dialogue by offering an academic analysis of the many issues broached by these debates. Leading scholars in bankruptcy, constitutional law, labor law, history, political science and economics have individually contributed their assessments of the origins, context and potential solutions for the states in crisis. It presents readers - academics, policy makers and concerned citizens alike - with the resources to begin and continue that important, solution-oriented conversation.

When referring to the terrorist group known as “Boko Haram,” observers are broadly pointing to a violent, Salafist-jihadist group (in its various incarnations and often encompassing its offshoots) based in northeastern Nigeria, which seeks to establish a caliphate ruled by sharia law in northeastern Nigeria and its environs. The group that served as its predecessor was founded in 2002 in Maiduguri, Nigeria, by Mohammed Yusuf, and was named “Jama’atu Ahil as-Sunna li ad-Da’wa wa al-Jihad,” or “People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad” (JAS). By the time that the group became violent in 2009—also the year that Yusuf died and the group was taken over by Abubakar Shekau—observers had begun to refer to the group as “Boko Haram,” broadly meaning “Western education is sinful” or “forbidden.” Even after the group pledged allegiance to the Islamic State and became the Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP) in March 2015, and later faced the breakaway of a splinter group in 2016, observers have still referred to these iterations as “Boko Haram.” In other words, this article, which is ostensibly about “Boko Haram,” is more generally about the various incarnations of the above-referenced group, the nature of its violence, its cycles of leadership, its shifting global and regional affiliations, and the offshoot groups which it has engendered, all of which continue to be referred to by more casual observers as “Boko Haram,” even though none of the above iterations of the group referred to themselves as such, at least formally. While this article is one that seeks to provide an overview of the best literature available on the emergence, evolution, and current activities of the “Boko Haram” phenomenon, given the multi- and interdisciplinary study of the group—most commonly undertaken by scholars of political science, history, religion, and conflict and security—there is no singular, unifying intellectual framework by which to study the group. Instead, writings on Boko Haram have occurred across disciplines, and as we articulate in the subsections below, have been defined by two general approaches. On one hand, scholars of Boko Haram have often written comprehensive histories of the group, attempting to understand the organization writ large, while on the other, others have written about particular facets of the group relating to Boko Haram’s emergence, ideology, patterns of violence, treatment of gender and age, and interactions with global jihadist organizations, and impact on communities in which it operates. In the pages below, we detail what we view to be the most rigorous pieces written to date in each of these two broad categories, keeping in mind that given space restrictions, we were not able to include sections on every facet of the Boko Haram insurgency.