Subjectivation and Social Movements in Post-Colonial Korea

Social media is being employed to build support for social, economic, and political justice (Selander et al. 2016; Vaast et al. 2014) in movements such as occupy Wall Street, violence against women's movement and global sustainability movement. These movements have used social media in ways that goes beyond simple communications. As social media allows people to produce and share user generated content, they enable a certain set of affordances of these technologies (Bharati et al 2015; Bharati et al 2014). The social media affordances, available to both collective and individual actors, translate into capabilities afforded to social movements (Tufecki 2014). Research on connective action has examined the effects of digital action repertoires on interaction and engagement such as in the Tea Party and Occupy movements (Agarwal et al. 2014; Selander et al. 2016). Social media can also facilitate mobilization of movement and participation by new volunteers and oftentimes provides a transnational character by diffusing actions beyond the virtual (Van Laer and Van Aelst 2010). Conversation, an essential part of social movements, shapes “social life by altering individual and collective understandings, by creating and transforming social ties, by generating cultural materials that are then available for subsequent social interchange, and by establishing, obliterating, or shifting commitments on the part of participants&x201D; (Tilly 2002, p. 122). In a personal interaction that involves repeated organized interactions between individuals, typically, leads to shared values and trust. The role of social media technologies in furthering this conversation has to be studied and its' influence on social movement ascertained. A few scholars have started to investigate social media affordances and capabilities, especially focused on discourse, during contentious collective action. Still the research has been limited to studying mechanisms of participation, development of a sense of collective identity, creation of community, and framing of political discourse (Farrell 2012; Garrett 2006). Social media data on social movements can involve impersonal “like&x201D; and “share&x201D; to more engaged conversations. Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube offer a wide communicative and discourse reach in networks with text, image, audio, and video data. This social media based big data, consisting mostly of unstructured data, comes in the form of social media posts, digital pictures and videos. The symposium will discuss how formal organizational structures and practices might be integrated with social media capabilities to reinforce and enhance social movement organizations as leaders in social change movements. It will explore the characteristics of social media discourse and assess the dynamics of social movements and, subsequent, impact on real-world protests. The symposium will also demonstrate how discourse analysis can be applied visually in order to understand communication patterns. The panel symposium will focus on theoretical and methodological challenges of social media analytics, big data and social movements. Panelists will engage the audience in an interactive discussion on: 1) Theoretical challenges: a. How and why are social movement recruitment and engagement mechanisms being impacted as a result of social media? b. How do we advance theory on social media and social movements when we are overwhelmed with social media based big data? c. What approach should we undertake if big data analysis contradicts most theories on social media and social movements? d. How do we address the issue of generalizability of social media and social movement research when data collection was limited to one social media platform, albeit involving big data? 2) Methodological challenges: a. What methodological approaches have worked in the analysis of social media, big data and social movements? b. How can discourse analysis be applied visually in order to understand communication patterns evident in social media-based big data? c. How can we employ social media analytics to investigate image and video data? d. What combinations of qualitative and quantitative methodologies be employed for big data and social media analytics in the context of social movements? e. What are the limitations of quantitative data analysis techniques, such as structural equation modeling, because of an extremely large sample size? f. What are the limitations of qualitative data analysis techniques as they become extremely labor intensive and, maybe even, impractical because of big data?

There is a body of education scholarship in South Africa that captures the role played by social movements in democratising education in post-apartheid South Africa. However, this scholarship says little about how power dynamics affect learning and intellectual labour in social movements or social movement organisations. In addition, the issue of learning in social movements or social movement organisations is hardly explored in the South African social movement literature. This lack of focus on how activists, especially grassroots activists in working-class communities, learn and produce knowledge in social movements and organisations obscures the complexity of learning and knowledge production in activist settings. This article explores how activists, especially grassroots activists, learn in social movements. Based on secondary literature and interviews, the article advances two main arguments: First, learning in social movements and organisations takes place in non-formal and informal ways. Both these forms of learning take place inside and outside formal educational settings. And they both contribute to the empowerment and critical consciousness of activists in social movements and organisations. In addition, informal learning takes place inside and outside popular educational spaces. However, it is not inevitable that non-formal and informal forms of learning in activist settings will generate critical knowledge and activist practices that disrupt the status quo. Second, power relations based on “race”, social class, gender, and sexuality, among other axes of social division, impact on how learning takes place in non-formal or popular contexts of education. This article seeks to understand how power relations shape the learning and knowledge production process in social movements and organisations.

This guide accompanies the following article : The Animal Rights Movement in Theory and Practice: A Review of the Sociological Literature, Compass 6/2 (2012): pp. 166–181, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00440.x Author’s introduction The animal rights movement has been described as one of the most neglected and misunderstood social movements of our era. However, social movement scholars are beginning to realise the political and moral significance of the world wide animal protection movement at a time when nature itself has been included in the specialist field of environmental sociology. Just as people are beginning to see that nature matters and is not separate from society, nonhuman animals (hereafter animals) too are increasingly perceived as worthy of our respect and consideration. The long‐running animal protection movement which began in England in the 18th century is today better known as the animal rights movement. It is the men and women of this movement who, atypically for a social movement, are campaigning for a species that is not their own. The movement’s theories and practices are important for what they do for animals and also because of what the animal rights controversy reveals about human beings. Author recommends Garner, Robert. 1998. Political Animals: Animal Protection Policies in Britain and the United States. London: Macmillan Press Ltd. The book describes the progress made by the animal protection movement in the two countries where animal rights protests have been most prominent. The author presents a comprehensive examination of animal welfare policies in Britain and the US thus providing an informative comparative study of the movement’s relationship with the state in these two countries. Garner’s focus on policy networks corresponds to the sociologist’s concept of social movement organizations. More than fifty such organizations balanced evenly between animal protectionists and animal‐user industries are discussed in the book. Political Animals provides an excellent introduction to the politics of animal rights, although missing in the accounts are the voices of the animal activists and their opponents. In the final analysis, it is the meaning activists attribute to their cause that drives the movement, a fact which Garner tacitly acknowledges. Imhoff, Daniel (ed) 2010. The CAFO Reader: The Tragedy of Industrial Animal Factories. Published by the Foundation for Deep Ecology with Watershed Media, Berkeley, LA: University of California Press. The Reader’s subject – concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFO) – covers most of the topics relevant to factory farmed animals and is divided into seven parts: (1) The pathological mindset of the CAFO; (2) Myths of the CAFO; (3) Inside the CAFO; (4) The loss of diversity; (5) Hidden costs of CAFO; (6) Technological takeover; (7) Putting the CAFO out to pasture. The acronym CAFO suggests a bland, mundane practice and is therefore a name which the editor believes should be replaced by the more accurate label “animal concentration camps”. The chapter titles indicate what is in store for the reader but the content is perhaps less confronting than the book’s companion photo‐format volume of the same name. The reader is a very comprehensive survey of how living creatures are subjected to inhumane practices for their body parts by “corporate food purveyors” and is essential reading for anyone who cares about the future survival of all of the earth’s species. Kean, Hilda. 1998. Animal Rights: Political and Social Change in Britain since 1800. London: Reaktion Books Ltd. In this attractive book, the historian Hilda Kean provides one of the most comprehensive and interesting surveys of the early animal protection movement in England, the birthplace of animal rights. Kean tells a compelling story of how and why people’s attitudes and practices involving animals changed over the past two centuries. She attributes these changes largely to the seemingly simple idea of “sight”, or how people were influenced by seeing for themselves how animals such as horses and dogs were ill treated in public spaces such as in streets and markets. Animals “out of sight” in vivisection laboratories and in abattoirs also came to the attention of the early animal protectionists, most of whom were women. The sight and spectacle of animal abuse turned hearts and stomachs once a light was shone on these everyday cruelties by the pioneers of animal rights in England. Kean’s book is nicely illustrated in keeping with the theme of seeing animals in their various relationships with humans. Munro, Lyle. 2005. Confronting Cruelty: Moral Orthodoxy and the Challenge of the Animal Rights Movement. Leiden & Boston: Brill. For most people animal cruelty is understood as unspeakable acts perpetrated by warped individuals mostly against dogs, cats, birds and sometimes horses. The animal rights movement seeks to broaden the issue of animal cruelty to include the vast numbers of animals that suffer and die in “the animal industrial complex” of intensive farming, recreational hunting and animal research and experimentation. The book draws on social movement theory to explain how and why an increasing number of people in the UK, US and Australia have taken up the cause of animals in campaigning against the exploitative practices of the animal‐user industries. Essentially, the thesis is that animal abuse is constructed by the animal rights movement as a social problem (speciesism) on a par with sexism and racism. This is the first book in the Human and Animal Studies Series which currently lists about a dozen monographs published by Brill under the editorship of Kenneth Shapiro of the Society & Animals Institute in the US. Noske, Barbara. 1989. Humans and Other Animals: Beyond the Boundaries of Anthropology. London: Pluto Press. As an anthropologist, Noske brings a different perspective to our relationship with nature, especially in the long process of animal domestication. Her chapter on “the animal industrial complex” shows how both human and nonhuman animals suffer within this structure of domination; for example, slaughterhouse work takes a heavy toll on the meat workers while the animals experience atrocious pain and misery on the assembly line of mass execution. Noske’s book is valuable for its broad treatment of animal‐human relations in which she describes cultural, historical, structural and sociological aspects of these relations particularly in America and Australia. Wilkie, Rhoda and Inglis David (eds.) 2007. The Social Scientific Study of Nonhuman Animals: A Five‐volume Collection – Animals and Society: Critical Concepts in the Social Sciences. (Vols 1–5), London: Routledge. This is a collection of 90 previously published articles and book chapters in approximately 2,000 pages on the social‐scientific study of animals. The papers range from the earliest in 1928 on “the culture of canines” to the latest in 2006 on “religion and animals.” Three quarters of the papers were published in the last two decades and are derived from anthropology, sociology, psychology, geography, philosophy and feminist studies. Because Animals and Society is based mostly on work derived from more than 12 different specialist journals, it has a claim to comprehensiveness; however, the editors mention topics that are not covered in the collection:

How Ancient Religions Can Help Us Transcend the Civilization of Greedy Money

Based on the theoretical framework of organizational ecology, it is suggested that social movement organizations are inert structures that rarely exceed their initial size. The ecological concept of organizational growth is tested using membership data for Sweden from 1881 to 1940 for virtually all local social movement organizations (29,193 organizations) in three major social movements: the temperance, free church, and trade union movements. Findings show that the organizations in two of the movements have average growth trajectories approximating zero. The ecological argument is then expanded to include information on the movements' organizational niches and intra- and intermovement density development. After controlling for the local organization's initial size, findings reveal that the remaining variation in aggregate membership is more likely to depend on population and niche dynamics (which organizational ecologists focus on) than on the capacity of the movement's local organizations to expand. These findings are consistent for all three Swedish movements. The ecological argument and the findings presented here are contrary to almost all research on social movements, which takes for granted that social movement organizations are necessarily capable of individual growth

Social media have become increasingly pervasive. However, the literature on social movements and social media has not fully grasped just how much social media have fundamentally changed the landscape of organizational communication, ranging from stakeholders being able to directly mobilize resources to making grassroots transnational social movements more organizationally feasible. A major gap in the literature is this lack of understanding how social media have shaped social movement organizations (SMOs) and the organization of social movements. This Special Issue brings together a unique collection of articles that map and comment on the field of social media and social movements. The volume contributes to literature in this area by exploring how social media are not only shaping social movements, advocacy, and activism from the point of view of organizational communication but also changing the ways in which activists and SMOs interact with each other. The volume leverages a diverse array of interdisciplinary methods and covers a broad terrain ranging from analyses of knowledge transfer between grassroot activists via social media to large SMOs. The Issue is broadly divided into two parts. Part 1 is focused around trends and interventions in social media, activism, and organizations research. Part 2 revolves around a global collection of case studies. The two are hardly mutually exclusive and the boundaries are roughly drawn. This collection provides a critical starting point for better understanding social media and social movements, an area that is fundamentally important to a variety of disciplines but severely underresearched.

States, Parties, and Social Movements. Edited by Jack Goldstone. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003. 312 pp., $70.00 cloth (ISBN: 0-521-81679-3), $25.00 paper (ISBN: 0-521-01699-1). Among the many undertilled fields in political science, few are in as much need of cultivation as the study of the relationship between political associations and the state. Even though particular types of interactions have been analyzed at length, such as the role of political opportunity structures in mediating social movement success, other types of interactions, in particular those that would constitute “normal politics,” have received less attention. If political parties are thrown into the mix, the literature gap is even more evident. Fortunately, Jack Goldstone's new edited volume— States, Parties, and Social Movements —illuminates the various types of interactions among social movement organizations, political parties, and the state in both Western democracies and in non-Western nations—democratic and otherwise. Perhaps even more exciting, this fine collection of essays reflects the research of a younger set of scholars who stand poised to build on the intellectual contributions of their forebears. Goldstone frames the collection with a thoughtful opening essay that elucidates the central claim common to each of the essays: “social movements constitute an essential element of normal politics in modern societies, and … there is only a fuzzy and permeable boundary between institutionalized and noninstitutionalized politics” (p. 2). This claim stands in contrast with much of the literature on social movement activity. Conventional wisdom heralds that it is precisely because of a noninstitutionalized relationship between an aggrieved group and the state that social movement organizations form in the first place. Once a relationship becomes institutionalized, the need for a social movement organization dissipates, as does the type of political behavior typical of excluded …

Social movement theory has recently paid a lot of attention to the diversity of strategies used by social movements to pressurize companies, and has spawned an abundant literature on the combined perspective of social movement studies and market organization studies. This paper adopts a rather different perspective, drawing on market theories from the economic sociology of evaluation to assess a specific strategy developed by a number of groups within the environmental social movement, which relies on the market’s capacity to mediate their claims. The literature has widely considered why some environmental social movement organizations (SMOs) choose to address consumers, even though it is not in their tradition to do so and even though their objective is not directly related to consumption issues. I seek to contribute to this debate by analysing the ‘how’ rather than the ‘why’, by highlighting a specific social movement strategy which is mediated by market mechanisms. The paper provides an in-depth analysis of a strategy consisting of attempts to change the most prevalent valuation criteria within the market by introducing principles of worth that rely on products’ environmental performance. This involves activist organizations suggesting new product valuation criteria, and then seeking to convince firms that consumers’ preferences are changing. Their assumption is that firms will see new business opportunities, which will prompt them to adopt more eco-friendly practices. This market mediation strategy is designed to encourage firms to shift towards more eco-friendly supply practices, by creating business opportunities for them. It shows how SMOs, in order to directly shape consumers’ preferences, urge them to introduce eco-friendly principles of worth into their valuation of products by providing them with market devices to help in their purchasing choices. By applying these strategies, SMOs seek to shape the market and create business opportunities for firms. Their intention is to make companies see the value of changing some of their practices by introducing new eco-friendly features in their products, because consumers have been convinced by SMOs of the value of such features. SMOs must then pursue two important objectives: one is to shape consumers’ preferences for that kind of valuation category on the market by convincing them of their responsibilities and their role as agents of change; and the other is to convince companies that a real shift in consumers’ preferences is taking place in the market, so that they see it as an interesting opportunity to benefit from the SMOs’ shaping of the market.

This introductory paper seeks to stimulate discussion on entanglements between protest campaigns, social movements and academic processes of generating knowledge in the USA and Western Europe since the 1960s. It examines how protagonists from social movements and counterculture have contributed to understandings of academic knowledge formation and its relationship to the public sphere, the role of the scientist, and the practical processes involved in generating and acquiring knowledge. Focusing on drafts of both ‘alternative’ and ‘conventional’ science and their impact on each other, the paper in particular suggests enquiring into the creative and experimental aspects of alternative scientific projects and the media in which they took form. In pursuit of this goal, it proposes to transcend the existing compartmentalisation of research in social movements and the formation of knowledge into numerous specialities, and to further broaden the dialogue between the history of social movements and the history of science and of knowledge.

Schools are both political and academic institutions. This essay explains the different ways that schools generate conflict because people dispute the content of the school curriculum. This essay begins by noting that schools require the approval of political elites and the public. Without such support, schools can't operate. Also, schools lend legitimacy to particular ideas, which means that people will fight over the content of classroom instruction. The essay then discusses how social movements target schools and the factors contribute to successful curricular challenges in schools.Prior research has focused on uncovering the inherently political nature of school curricula. These researchers produce case studies of conflict over the curriculum. Research also focuses on how political actors target schools and try to enact change. There is also a growing literature on bureaucratic dynamics. Scholars now focus on the administrative response to protest and the demand for educational reform. I conclude by outlining new directions for research. Specifically, researchers should ask about the relationship between academic reform movements and broader social movements. For example, do most mass movements target schools? How much curricular conflict is unique to the educational system? I also suggest that researchers should examine the “spill out” of protest from schools to the larger society.

PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION: MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT

Social Movement Organizations in Online Movements

In the last decades ,Social History' has become one of the most successful and expanding disciplines. Nevertheless there is still a remarkable Jack of reflection on the logical and conceptual framework of ,society', the ,social' and ,social change', terms which fundamentally determine the discourse of ,Social History'. The author gives a rough survey of the gradual institutionalization of ,Social History' and of the different meanings of the ,social' from the beginnings of ,Social History' in the 1880's till today. He stresses three main stages as being important for the development of the discipline: the period of the ,political reductionism', discriminating the ,social' (about 1880-1920); the period of the gradual emancipation of the ,social', rejecting the hegemony of the ,political' (up from the 1920's), mainly influenced by the French group of the ,Annales' and their concept of the social relational structures and long-term changes in macro structures; the new attempt of a more precise re-definition of the ,social', including analyzation of ,structures' as weil as of ,action', ,behavior' and ,experience'. Denying priorities, the author proclaims the absolute necessity of both ,qualifying' and ,quantifying' methods for a future ,Social History' as weil as the importance of close connections with other social sciences. In addition he postulates that the social historians should place more emphasis on the strict and empiristic reconstruction of the meaning of the sources instead of still referring to an idealistic way of Verstehen. Only on these promises can ,Social History' be termed ,Historical Social Science' (Historische Sozialwissenschaft).

Resource mobilization, a dominant theoretical approach to the study of social movements for many decades, points to social movement organizations (SMOs) as a focal point for efforts to understand the variations in both the impact and fate of social movements. SMOs, like other types of political organizations, are expected to represent members' common preferences for some specified social change, acting to bring about such change by influencing formal political decisions, or the values and behaviors of the members of a polity, or both. In this context, the classic analysis offered by Robert Michels of typical evolutionary processes in the governance of political organizations, and the impact of such processes on organizations' goals, is very relevant to scholars of social movements. Early studies of social movements often drew heavily on Michels's work, documenting and fleshing out the nature of the evolutionary processes he posited, and the transformational consequences for social movements. Concern with movement transformation has been less dominant in contemporary work, despite a lack of evidence that such processes are any less operative in current movement organizations. In this entry, the key processes involved in what Michels referred to as the “iron law of oligarchy” are sketched, followed by a brief discussion of some of the implications of this analysis for social movement researchers.

[EN]The Spanish gay and lesbian social movement was born in 1975 amidst the process of social and political change that transformed Spain into a modern democracy. That was a social movement with undisguised revolutionary aspirations, adamant about remaining an outsider of the nascent democratic polity. Two decades later, the movement is a full-fledged insider, committed to mainstream demands, non-violent repertoires of protest and legitimate emancipation models. In the span of two decades, activism has replaced militancy, a culture of cooperation with the authorities has replaced a culture of conflict and, lastly, a discourse based on human rights recognition has occupied the space when a Marxist, revolutionary discourse of rapid and dramatic transformation used to dwell. By an extensive and systematic analysis of the discourse and the strategies of Spanish gay and lesbian political organisations I seek to explain why this social movement has ended up pursuing the mainstream and, as a result, demanding membership in the polity. In the thesis I link the process of negotiation of reality with the ideas and founding intellectual underpinnings of activists. Social movement scholars – in a context where the so-called structure of political opportunities is assumed to influence social movements to an extraordinary extent – have come to accept that the political environment has a bearing on social movements only after a process of incorporation has taken place. However, we simply do not know how this process of interpretation unfolds. I claim that the founding ideas of political generations, established and assimilated in the process that brings these generations to life, are the key intellectual underpinnings that sustain such an interpretative process. My research reveals that social movement organisations do not respond automatically to the ebbs and flows of the environment; rather, they behave according to the founding principles of activists that, in turn, are crafted in consonance to the particular process of generational building. In the particular case of Spain, the mainstreaming of the gay and lesbian movements was powerfully embedded in a process of generational replacement: a new political generation was created all throughout the 1980s, nurtured by the expansion of the commercial subculture and the assimilation of foreign discourses on gay culture and human rights. This was a generation that believed in the capacity of sexuality to be a collective identity maker and, as such, it bitterly clashed with the pioneering generation of activism, the one formed during the 1970s (and politically socialized around the ideas of Marxism and social revolution).