Symposium on

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to defining the nature, types, and role of formal and informal insurance market institutions. Methodology of research. The methodological basis of the work has become a systematic approach to the study of the formation and functioning of formal and informal insurance market institutions; as well as a dialectical method of cognition and grouping to determine the types of formal and informal institutions that have formed and ensure the development of insurance relationships. Methods of induction and deduction have been used to generalize the essence and role of insurance market institutions under the provisions of economic theory and insurance business. The differences between formal and informal insurance market institutions have been established by a comparative method. To make theoretical generalizations, to form conclusions from the study, an abstract reasoning method has been used. Findings. The article presents the results of empirical analysis of formal and informal institutions, under the influence of which the insurance market has been formed and is currently functioning. Formal insurance market institutions are clearly defined, regulated by public protection mechanisms, and mandatory for all economic entities involved in the insurance process. Informal insurance market institutions are unwritten and undocumented norms and rules that shape the behaviour of economic entities of the insurance market regarding the creation, purchase and sale, and consumption of insurance services. Both formal and informal insurance market institutions should be divided into basic and specific ones, taking into account the peculiarities of the insurance market and the specifics of insurance relationships. Originality. Given the peculiarities of the insurance business, formal and informal insurance market institutions are clearly distinguished, with their subsequent division into basic and specific ones. Practical value. The results of the study can serve as a basis for further research in this area and will be useful for insurers, supervisory authorities, and other participants in the insurance market in terms of improving the quality of insurance services, identifying areas of the insurance market, and efficiency of its participants, which will increase confidence in the insurance market. Key words: institution, formal institution, informal institution, insurance market, basic insurance market institution, specific insurance market institution.

The paper provides a literature review in the form of 52 papers, 12 different databases, and 165 different institutional variables, which can be a useful first step for future authors in exploring the phenomenon of formal institutions. Considering the complexity of the concept and differenc es that exist between formal and informal institutions, it is easiest to define formal institutions as a legislative framework managed by the government of a particular country, which can be changed and adapted in the short and medium term. The aim of this paper is to highlight the basic problems associated with defining, measuring and conducting empirical research in the field of institutional economics. In addition, possible obstacles and solutions to the problems of subjectivity, multicollinearity and endogeneity, which are often not sufficiently considered by au thors in academic research on formal institutions, are identified. Finally, an overview of basic remarks on databases enables authors to more easily select the most appropriate database for their potential future research.

In this paper we argue the case for greater exploitation of synergies between research on specific institutions based on micro-data and the big questions posed by the institutions and growth literature. To date, the macroeconomic literature on institutions and growth has largely relied on cross-country regression evidence. This has provided compelling evidence for a causal link between a cluster of ‘good’ institutions and more rapid long run growth. However, an inability to disentangle the effects of specific institutional channels on growth or to understand the impact of institutional change on growth will limit further progress using a cross-country empirical strategy. We suggest two research programs based on micro-data that have significant potential. The first uses policy-induced variation in specific institutions within countries to understand how these institutions influence economic activity. The second exploits the fact that the incentives provided by a given institutional context often vary with individuals’ economic and political status. This can help us better understand how institutional change arises in response to changing economic and demographic pressures.

Co-management is advocated as a means to improve human equity and the ecological sustainability of common-pool resources. The promotion of co-management of fisheries often assumes the participation of resource users in decision-making ensures more ecologically sustainable outcomes than top–down management approaches while improving livelihoods and food security. However, in fisheries co-management approaches, participation is often poorly defined and measured by co-management proponents. For resource users, it may not be clear what their participation in co-management entails, and what such participation might involve or achieve. For the fisheries of Lake Victoria (Kenya), the introduction of co-management established Beach Management Units (BMUs) on a model of participatory decision-making. Unsurprisingly, given global experiences of institutions for resource users’ participation in co-management, the structures established across Lake Victoria (Kenya) have not resulted in effective participation of fisher folk. We examine why this is so. Specifically, we examine the influence of institutions on fisher folks’ participation in co-management, using critical institutionalism to explain how participation of resource users is shaped by the relation between formal government institutions and informal social norms. We take four BMUs as case studies to investigate how historical administrative structures shape the development of co-management, how power relationships within co-management are negotiated at the local beach level and the fisher folks’ understanding of their participation in co-management. We document how informal institutions undermine and replace formal institutions at the local beach level, while formal institutions suppress and ignore informal ones at the national and regional levels. From this, we argue power sharing between the government and fisher folk is key for fisher folk participation in fisheries co-management, capable of addressing both social and ecological challenges facing fisheries management.

This study investigates the roles of local institutions in shaping flood adaptation strategies among rural communities in Saboba District, Northern Ghana. Using interviews and focus groups, the research identifies four key adaptation practices: Off-season farming, Burning Charcoal, processing of shea nuts, and Cattle rearing. Both formal institutions, such as the Ministry of Food and Agriculture, and informal ones, including chieftaincy and family units, were found to be integral in providing resources, governance, and conflict mediation related to these practices. The findings reveal that while institutions facilitate access to adaptation resources, they also introduce barriers. Factors such as favoritism, limited resource distribution, and exclusion of vulnerable groups, particularly women and widows, hinder equitable adaptation outcomes. Local institutions enable community-led responses to climate hazards by coordinating external support and guiding decision-making; however, they also perpetuate social hierarchies that can limit adaptive capacity. The study suggests that fostering collaboration between formal and informal institutions, improving resource allocation transparency, and ensuring gender inclusion in decision-making could enhance community resilience. This research contributes to understanding how institutional dynamics influence adaptation practices, highlighting the need for adaptable, inclusive frameworks that support effective flood resilience in vulnerable rural communities.

Quality of enforcement of institutions in post-transition countries. This chapter intends to comment on the insufficient respect of formal institutions in post-transition countries. It is very important to distinguish formal and informal institutions, because during the transition to market economy, only formal institutions changed, while informal ones were left unchanged. This situation brought about a potential conflict between the two. We analyze the results of this conflict and the need to enhance the enforcement of formal institutions. Among others, the policy can play a role in this enhancement.

Transition economies are often characterized by underdeveloped formal institutions, often resulting in an unstable environment and creating a void usually filled by informal ones. Entrepreneurs in transition environments thus face more uncertainty and risk than those in more developed economies. This article examines the relationship of institutions and entrepreneurship in Russia and China in the context of institutional theory by analyzing private property as a formal institution, as well as trust and blat/ guanxi as informal institutions. This article thus contributes to the literature on entrepreneurship and institutional theory by focusing on these topics in transition economies, and by emphasizing how their relationship differs from that in developed economies. We conclude that full convergence toward entrepreneurs‘ reliance on formal institutions may not readily occur in countries like Russia and China due to the embeddedness of informal institutions. Instead, such countries and their entrepreneurs may develop unique balances between informal and formal institutions that better fit their circumstances. Implications for the theory and practice of entrepreneurship in such environments are also offered.

The field of education is the area to which the concept of SC is traditionally applied. This study develops a very specific topic: the role played by residential secondary schools, especially in the form of public institutions. These are very specific institutions and quite rare in Italy. The conception of SC adopted in this study separates the social contexts in which it is generated distinguishing three types of SC: 1) Family SC; 2) Wider community SC; 3) Generalized SC. This paper looks at the measure in which the three types of SC affect the development of human capital (HC), of civic culture, and of the planning skills (generative skills) of the students in public residential high schools. In this work I present the data relative to the incidence of SC on micro- and meso-type relationships. This quantitative survey collected data on an experimental sample of students from all the Italian public boarding schools, and on a control group of students from an ordinary Italian state high school.

The paper presents the results of a study into the institutional foundations of the Russian Arctic zone spatial development, provided both by Russian normative documents and state programs and by international treaties and agreements. Institutional foundations are represented not only by formal institutions, but also by informal ones (the culture and traditions of the Arctic peoples). It should be noted that informal institutions for regulating social relations among the peoples of the Arctic are of greater importance than formal institutions, which is the basis for developing the concept of strategic socioeconomic development of the Arctic. Spatial economic development should to a greater extent be based, according to the authors, on informal institutions – no efforts are required by the authorities to embed these institutions, since society is already ready to build economic and legal relations on the basis of already embedded informal institutions. Here lies the possibility of both successful spatial development and potential conflicts between local informal institutions and federal formal institutions.

Regional social capital and moral hazard in crowdfunding

The internet has become an everyday tool to communicate and network with people around the globe, but its perceived anonymity, availability, and instant access have made it an environment conducive to spreading hateful content and connecting to like-minded individuals with similar hateful ideologies. Hate speech and other prejudice-motivated behavior, however, need to be considered on a continuum of victimization, and "like other social processes, [be seen as] dynamic and in a state of constant movement and change, rather than static and fixed" (Bowling, 1993, p. 238). It is a social process that is marked by multiple, repeat, and constant victimization (Bowling, 1993), with victims no longer distinguishing between specific hateful events, and rather normalizing experiences of hateful conduct "as an everyday, unwanted but routine reality of being 'different'" (Chakraborti, 2016, p. 581). Understanding hateful behavior and victimization as a process allows us to connect "low-level" incidents of hateful behavior to the more serious and life-threatening incidents at the more extreme end of the spectrum (Bowling & Phillips, 2002). The Christchurch attacks in New Zealand and their link to hateful communication on the online platform 8chan is only one such example of how online hate speech and cyberhate can escalate to "in real life" attacks, leaving the online sphere and spilling into the offline world. As per Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice, more extreme forms of prejudice-motivated violence are founded on "lower level" acts of prejudice and bias, therefore, hateful content online should not be ignored. Intervening online to interrupt or counter hateful behavior already at the lower end of the scale of prejudice becomes important; online interventions which are to be identified and synthesized through this systematic review. Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice will be the basis for this systematic review. Early on, Allport (1954) asserted that individuals with negative attitudes toward groups are likely to act out on these prejudices "somehow, somewhere" (p. 14), and that the more intense such negative attitudes are, the more hostile the action will be. Allport (1954) put forward a scale of acts of prejudice to illustrate different degrees of acting out negative attitudes, a scale that starts with antilocution (or what we call hate speech), described as explicitly expressing prejudices through negative verbal remarks to either friends or strangers (Allport, 1954). Avoidance is the next level on the scale of prejudice, with people avoiding members of certain groups, followed by discrimination, where distinctions are made between people based on prejudices, which leads to the active exclusion of members from certain groups (Allport, 1954). This level of acting on prejudices is routed in institutional or systemic prejudices, for example, in the differential treatment of people within employment or education practices, but also within the criminal justice system, or through social exclusion of certain minority group members. Physical attack is the next level on the scale of prejudice, which includes violence against members of certain groups by physically acting on negative attitudes or prejudices. The last level is extermination, which is the ultimate act of violence against members of specific groups, an expression of prejudice that systematically eradicates an entire group of people (e.g., genocide or lynchings; Allport, 1954). Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice makes it clear how hate speech/cyberhate is connected to more extreme forms of violence motivated by specific prejudices and biases, with hate speech (or antilocutions) being only the starting point on a 5-point continuum (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020). The importance of this scale of prejudice is not only that it clearly illustrates a range of different ways and intensity levels to act out prejudices, but also the "progression from verbal aggression to physical violence or, in other words, the performative potential of hate speech" (Allport, 1954; Kopytowska & Baider, 2017, p. 138). This is where interventions at the lower level of the scale of prejudices, interventions targeting hate speech/cyberhate, become important. There is no universal definition of hateful conduct online, but there is some consensus that hate speech targets disadvantaged social groups (Jacobs & Potter, 1998). Bakalis (2018) more narrowly defines cyberhate as "any use of technology to express hatred towards a person or persons because of a protected characteristic—namely race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, disability and transgender identity" (p. 87). Another definition that also points out the ambiguity and challenges involved with identifying more subtle forms of hate speech, and also making reference to the potential threat of hate speech escalating to offline violence, is that put forward by Fortuna and Nunes (2018), who analyzed various definitions of hate speech "Hate speech is language that attacks or diminishes, that incites violence or hate against groups, based on specific characteristics such as physical appearance, religion, descent, national or ethnic origin, sexual orientation, gender identity or other, and it can occur with different linguistic styles, even in subtle forms or when humour is used" (p. 5). In this systematic review, we also distinguish hate speech/cyberhate specifically from other forms of harmful online activity, such as cyber-bullying, harassment, trolling or flaming, as perpetrators of such online behavior repeatedly and systematically target specific individuals to cause upset, to seek out negative reactions, or to create discord on the internet. In contrast, hate speech/cyberhate is more general and does not necessarily target a specific individual (Al-Hassan & Al-Dossari, 2019), instead hate speech/cyberhate heavily features prejudice, bias and intolerance toward certain groups within society. With the majority of hate speech happening online, interventions that take place online are an important way to challenge prejudice and bias, potentially reaching masses of people across the globe. The unique feature of the internet is that such individual negative attitudes toward minority groups and more extreme hateful ideology can find its way onto certain platforms and can instantly connect people sharing similar prejudices. By closing the social and spatial distance, the internet creates a form of collective identity (Perry, 2000, p. 123) and can convince individuals with even the most extreme ideologies that others out there share their views (Gerstenfeld et al., 2003). In addition, the enormous frequency of hate speech/cyberhate within online environments creates a sense of normativity to hatred and the potential for acts of intergroup violence or political radicalization (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020, p. 9). It is, therefore, important to challenge this hate speech epidemic (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020), especially since hate movements have increasingly crossed into the mainstream (Perry, 2000). With hate speech/cyberhate posing a threat to the social order by violating social norms (Soral et al., 2018), perceptions of social norms as either supporting or opposing prejudice has been found to have an influence on how individuals react online (Hsueh et al., 2015). Seeing other people post prejudiced (opposed to antiprejudiced) comments online can lead to the adoption of an online group's biases and can influence an individual's own perceptions and feelings toward the targeted stigmatized group (Hsueh et al., 2015). In addition, research around desensitization also suggests that being exposed to hate speech leads to desensitization, which further leads to an increase in outgroup prejudice toward groups targeted by such speech (Soral et al., 2018). With society increasingly recognizing that it is inappropriate to express prejudices in public settings, many interventions will include some form of social norms nudging to reduce such prejudices; interventions that "nudge behavior in the desired direction" (Titley et al., 2014, p. 60). Therefore, hate speech not only affects minority group members, but also has an influence on opinions of majority group members (Soral et al., 2018), which makes strategies that can elicit change in people's prejudice-related attitudes crucial (see, e.g., Zitek & Hebl, 2007). Governments around the world face increased demand for understanding and countering hateful ideology and violent extremism both online and offline (e.g., the Christchurch Call in New Zealand). The U.S. Government's 2011 CVE Strategy highlights the importance of ongoing research and analysis, the sharing of knowledge and best practices internationally, and the countering of hateful ideologies and propaganda (see also Department of Homeland Security, 2016, 2019). The goal of this systematic review is to use an integrated and interdisciplinary approach to examine the effectiveness of online campaigns and strategies for reducing hate speech and cyberhate. The internet also provides an opportunity to reach masses of people who have been exposed to hateful content and ideology online, therefore, this systematic review will focus on online interventions addressing online hate speech and cyberhate. The specific settings where we would expect to see the online interventions deployed will be on websites, text messaging applications, and online and social media platforms including, but not limited to, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, WhatsApp, Google, YouTube, and Snapchat. As mentioned previously, many online interventions will be based on social norm nudges to reduce online hate. These interventions aim to change people's online behavior and encourage individuals or groups to conform to established social norms. The communication of social norms can happen through establishing community standards on online platforms themselves (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, etc.), through more formal online training courses, or through anti-hate speech/anti-cyberhate campaigns teaching people to recognize hate, embrace diversity, and stand up to bias. Such prevention campaigns are designed to challenge bias and build ally behaviors by supplying people with constructive responses to combat, for example, antisemitism racism, and homophobia, as well as provide resources to help people explore and critically reflect on current events. Other interventions may add messages to hateful online comments, counter hateful content or extremist ideology, or redirect people to more credible sources. Both peers and parents have been found to foster racial consciousness and identity development, define interracial relationships and cultivate ethnic heritage and culture (Hagerman, 2016). Socialization influences how children understand their group's social position and their membership within that group by providing an understanding of racial, religious, and sexual privilege (Bowman & Howard, 1985). Socialization often reflects peers' and parents' experiences with racism, discrimination, and their ideological perspectives about race, religion, or sexuality (Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004). This is important because peers and parents who feel discriminated against or believe that the "other" is a threat may impart their prejudices to their children or friends, which could lead them to interpret the social world with similar discriminatory views and/or behavior. Individuals who feel socially alienated or rejected are especially vulnerable to such socialization practices as they feel that adopting these views will provide them with a sense of acceptance and belonging (Leiken, 2012). Regardless of how an individual develops certain racial, religious, or sexual biases, the online interventions under review are expected to target and reduce the production of original hateful content such as antisemitic Tweets and/or homophobic blog posts as well as the consumption of hate speech material (e.g., watching or reading hate speech videos or blogs). For example, some interventions take a rather broad messaging approach by implementing racial sensitivity and diversity training through Public Service Announcements, peer-to-peer dialogue workshops, or films that provide opportunities for youth and adults to self-reflect and learn about historical oppression, people of color, women, and the LGBTQIA+ community from credible sources. The factual understanding of diverse groups is often supplemented by experiences with people within the group. These educational programs often identify a cultural guide who is willing to introduce youth to new experiences and who can aid in processing thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. These interventions intend to dispute and contradict negative stereotypes associated with specific cultures, people, and institutions by sharing different points of view based on human rights values such as openness, respect for difference, freedom, and equality (Gomes, 2017). Moreover, such interventions tend to involve blanket bans on specific behaviors enforced through the public promotion of norms or individual sanctions enforced by moderators. Other interventions, such as the "Redirect Method," are narrower in their messaging. These interventions generate curated playlists and collections of authentic content that challenge hate speech/cyberhate narratives and propaganda (Helmus & Klein, 2018). For instance, people who are directly searching for extremist content online may be linked to videos and written content that confronts such claims. These videos are designed to be objective in appearance instead of containing material that explicitly counters extremist propaganda. The underlying goal of this type of interventions is to provide credible content that effectively undermines extremist messaging but does not overtly attack the source of propaganda. In addition to confronting hate speech narratives, these interventions provide users with links to numerous social services such as anger management training, drug and alcohol treatment, and mental health resources. Online platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, have also started to employ a similar method, redirecting people who comment on or share "fake news" or conspiracy theories, which often are fraught with prejudicial undertones and are harmful to minority groups, to more credible content and news sources. The aforementioned interventions are designed to counter-balance these biased perceptions (e.g., unsupported claims of the Black community as criminal or the LGBTQIA+ community as pathologized) Blacks as criminals, LGBTQIA+ as pathologized) by blunting the occurrence of racist discourse and reducing the likelihood these individuals will internalize and normalize racial, religious, and/or sexual prejudices (Qian et al., 2019). Being in new situations is uncomfortable and often awakens fears and apprehensions that can block our experiential development. Acquiring information or being exposed to minority-run businesses, poverty, and writings from minority authors allows a person to understand the thoughts, hopes, fears, and aspirations of the people outside their racial perspective rather than from the perspective of the majority society (Dunham et al., 2013; Lee et al., 2017). Doing so, counters racist programming by challenging hegemonic beliefs, which can lead to the acceptance of tolerant attitudes and the reduction of hateful expressions online. Findings from the proposed review will enhance our understanding of the effectiveness of online anti-hate speech/anti-hate interventions, will help ensure that programming funds are dedicated to the most-effective efforts, and will play a critical role in helping individual programs improve the quality of service provisions. It will inform governments and policymakers of the current state of such online efforts, what works and which modes of interventions to implement, and help guide economically viable investments in nation-state security. Our search of the scholarly literature identified one review, Blaya (2019), as similar to the proposed topic. Blaya's (2019) review, however, focused on the prevalence, type, and characteristics of existing interventions for counteracting cyberhate and did not include a meta-analysis. Two other similar reviews focused on exposure to extremist online content (Hassan et al., 2018) and communication channels associated with cyber-racism (Bliuc et al., 2018). A search of the Campbell Library using key terms (hate OR radical*) returned two protocols and one review identified for further inspection to assess potential overlap. The protocols include "Psychosocial processes and intervention strategies behind Islamist deradicalization: A scoping review" by de Carvalho et al. (2019) and "Police programs that seek to increase community connectedness for reducing violent extremism behavior, attitudes and beliefs" by Mazerolle et al. (2020). A further review on a similar topic is a recently completed Campbell review (January 2020), "Counter-narratives for the prevention of violent radicalization: A systematic review of targeted interventions" by Carthy et al. (2018) at the National University of Ireland, Galway. Our proposed review is distinguished from the de Carvalho et al. (2019) review in that we are focusing on hate speech and cyberhate generally without delimiting our approach to a specific type of radicalization (e.g., Islamist). Furthermore, we are electing to complete a systematic review and meta-analysis. Likewise, the protocol by Mazerolle et al. (2020) focuses on interventions involving police officers either as initiators, recipients, or implementers of community connectedness interventions. Our review will focus specifically on any online intervention, which may or may not involve police, but police will not be the focus nor be the basis of the online intervention strategy. Judging from Carthy et al. (2018) protocol, we anticipate our review will also capture counter-narrative interventions, but will differ based on setting, timing, and scope of interventions. Specifically, we are interested in online interventions that extend beyond counter-messaging campaigns to include a broad array of interventions outlined above and extend beyond radicalization to include everyday hate and prejudice. In addition to conducting a meta-analysis, the proposed review would build on Blaya's (2019) work by expanding the population parameters to include both adolescents as well as adults. Blaya (2019) limited her search to include interventions aimed toward youth, young people, children, young adults, adolescents, children, and teenagers and did not focus on extremism. The main objective of this review is to synthesize the available evidence on the effectiveness of online interventions aimed at reducing the creation and/or consumption of online hate speech/cyberhate material. To what extent are online interventions effective in reducing online hate speech/cyberhate? How is effectiveness related to the type of online hate speech/cyberhate intervention used? How is effectiveness related to the characteristics of individuals experiencing the online hate speech/cyberhate intervention (e.g., age, gender, race/ethnicity, offense history, childhood trauma)? Both experimental and quasi-experimental quantitative studies will be included. These study designs will address research questions #1 to #3. Eligible quantitative study designs include the following: Eligible experimental designs must involve random assignment of participants to distinct treatment and control group(s). Designs that involve quasi-random assignment of participants such as alternate case assignment are also eligible and will be coded as experimental designs. All eligible quasi-experimental designs must include a comparison group of participants compared to participants in the treatment condition. Eligible studies include those that report matching procedures (individual- or group-level) and statistical procedures employed to achieve equivalency between groups. Statistical procedures may but are not limited to, analysis, and Furthermore, in of a limited quantitative evidence we will also include quasi-experimental studies with comparison groups that provide of for both groups. will also be included. Eligible include designs with a control group and designs with or without a control group than quasi-experimental designs include studies that a comparison group of participants who either to in the study or who in a but out to the of a Eligible comparison include other online interventions or in which participants not or an online Both youth and participants of any gender sexual orientation, or will be eligible for this review. The eligible youth population will be study participants with a of through The eligible population will be study participants with a of and in which only a of the is eligible for example, a study in both online and offline hate speech be not anticipate studies based on as our will be and we will take to studies that only online interventions. will of the of a study for through and be we will elicit the of a the of and studies will be these studies will be they will be and be in the and any related Blaya's (2019) of intervention strategies to the potential of eligible interventions. The intervention is the of responses to hate speech/cyberhate, which includes the countering of violent extremism and to address online interventions that are eligible range from hateful content online specific (e.g., of social media to to online hate using targeted strategies (e.g., through hateful of studies focusing on online include the and of online and content online content and & 2018), hateful online comments to comments et al., 2018), and to users out of online are also interested in interventions such as the of 8chan this online platform linked to "in real life" attacks in New Zealand and the and interventions that further hateful online content and radicalization similar events. hateful content online such has up speech as well as around online users and hateful groups on to other online to hateful content online using targeted strategies therefore, been as an effective online include using the from & 2020), the use of to online responses to in online where hate speech has been (Qian et al., 2019), and redirecting online users to videos for example, Our systematic review will include a range of online interventions, many of which have only recently Two other strategies identified by Blaya (2019) are the and of hate speech/cyberhate using technology as well as the creation of online and These interventions include online counter-narrative the and/or use of online counter online interventions, online training, and online narrowly to address extremist ideologies and hate speech that incites targeted violence and In such interventions seek to or the occurrence of violent extremism or the of hate speech and extremist by channels and opportunities to such groups. The and intervention eligible for this systematic review educational programs for example, provide people with online and challenge 2019). will include online programs with an online (e.g., and and educational and online interventions. of these interventions may by individuals no longer in the creation and/or consumption of cyberhate and extremist material online. These online interventions may be by and internet service or or in the case of interventions. The comparison may be routine exposure and to hate speech/cyberhate or online The of is the creation and/or consumption of hateful content online. By we to the production and of original hateful content such as antisemitic racist and/or homophobic blog The consumption of hate speech material may include or being a of a hate watching or reading hate speech videos or being a target of online hate speech/cyberhate, or hate speech material. of include and of study participants such as and attitudes toward hate Eligible studies must report a or (or to be included. There will be no exclusion on the source of for the and can be from any institutional or completed by will include any of from strategies to increase the scale of of potentially effective anti-hate speech and interventions for These could include to or to the creation of and behaviors. can also include such as a of hate speech/cyberhate to other platforms instead of a reduction of hate All described in eligible studies will be in the will focus on the between and the current The starting with the when the internet to a and community et al., are for an approach in the lower end of our search to the may be it is hate speech/cyberhate online through or and some studies may capture Our population of studies will also be limited to studies in and but of studies completed in any as we are focused on online content that can be and across and nation-state The language parameters reflect the language of the review Our will where studies the of study in will be between the members of the review These will be and as a from the protocol in the review. In the of a change in we will search online OR OR internet OR Twitter OR OR 8chan OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR speech" OR cyberhate OR OR OR OR OR speech OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR peer-to-peer OR OR OR

New Institutional Economics has revived the important role of institutions
 on economic growth. North (1990) was a pioneering work. Institutions are defined as ‘the humanly devised constraints that structure human interaction. They are made up of formal constraints (for example, rules,
 laws, constitutions), informal constraints (for example, norms of behaviour, conventions, self-imposed codes of conduct), and their enforcement characteristics’ (North 1994, p. 360). Formal institutions are constraints
 sanctioned by state power if individuals violate them, while informal institutions are self-imposing constraints. According to North, of primary importance to economic performance is the economic institutions that
 determine transaction costs and influence the incentive structure in society such as the structure of property rights and the presence and perfection of markets. 
 There are now various empirical studies on the effect of institutions on economic growth. Most studies used crosscountry regressions to determine the effect of institutional quality on economic growth. Knack and Keefer (1995) was a pioneering work. Four important institutional variables were proposed by Knack and Keefer (1995): protection of property rights, rule of law, corruption and bureaucratic quality. Such
 data were compiled from International Country Risk Guide (ICRG) data, published by the U.S.-based Political Risk Services Group, and from Business Environment Risk Intelligence (BERI), based in Switzerland. The ICRG index includes protection of property rights (expropriation risk and repudiation of contracts by government), rule of law, corruption, and bureaucratic quality. The BERI index includes contract enforceability, nationalisation potential, bureaucratic delays and infrastructure quality. Knack and Keefer run a regression vfor 97 countries in the period 1974-89. The explanatory variables include institutional quality (ICRG or BERI), initial per capita GDP, initial human capital, average annual government consumption share/GDP, distortion index (absolute value of deviation of investment price level), the number of revolutions and coups per year and the number of political assassinations per year per million population in the period 1974-89. To avoid possible simultaneity between growth and institutional quality, the authors chose the initial value of the institutional
 indices rather than the average for the whole period. The earliest release of BERI was 1974 and that of ICRG 1982. The scale for BERI was from 0 to 4 and for ICRG from 0 to 10 (the higher the better). The findings indicated that the ICRG index was positive and highly significant across the specifications. The BERI index was positive and significant for most specifications. Mauro (1995) used a different dataset of institutions from Business International (later incorporated into the Economist Intelligence Unit). His institutional variables included corruption and bureaucratic efficiency (including corruption, efficiency of the judiciary system, and bureaucratic red tape). The data were collected for the period 1980-83. The dependent variable
 was average per capita GDP growth during 1960-85. The explanatory variables included initial per capita income in 1960, population
 growth, primary education in 1960, government expenditure share, revolutions and coups, assassinations, political instability, two distortion indices (absolute value of deviation of investment price level and its standard deviation), dummies for regions, and Mauro’s corruption index or
 bureaucratic efficiency index. The finding was that both low bureaucratic efficiency and high corruption exerted strong and negative effects on growth. Their effects were statistically significant. Other significant studies include Sachs and Warner (1997a, 1997b), Barro (1998), Brunetti et al. (1997), Kaufman et al. (1999b), Aron (2000). Their findings in general indicate
 positive effects of institutional quality on economic growth.
 This paper is aimed to explore a different but relevant relationship, i.e.,
 the question is how institutions affect on efficiency of investment. The efficiency of investment is defined as the incremental capital-output ratio (ICOR). The ICOR measures the additional amount of capital required to produce an additional unit of output. The reciprocal of ICOR measures
 the productivity of additional capital (Gillis et al. 1992). The efficiency of investment is vital to growth because the level of investment alone cannot fully explain growth performance across countries. It is noteworthy that some countries can achieve a fairly high investment rate, but only slow growth. For example, during the period 1961-85, Argentina, Jamaica and
 Zambia achieved an investment/GDP rate as high as that of Taiwan, Malaysia and Thailand, but could only achieve a growth rate less than a third of the latter group. The main hypothesis of this paper is that quality of institutions has positive effect on investment efficiency.

Most studies of flexicurity have focused on formal institutions within distinctive national labour market systems. However, the level and types of flexibility and security in a national labour market are to an important extent influenced by company-level processes, relationships and policies; thus a micro-perspective should be integrated into the study of flexibility and security. This article advances understanding of the influences of decentralized rule-making and its links with the macro level by drawing on case study research in four multinational companies, each with subsidiaries in Germany, Belgium, Italy and the UK. It reveals major differences in terms of flexibility and security between companies operating in the same country, and major similarities between the subsidiaries of the same multinational. Product market characteristics affect local autonomy to define human resource policies; national institutions and local circumstances then affect the capabilities of trade unions and works councils to negotiate local flexibility-security trade-offs.

Purpose To provide a selective review of most recent developments in experimental economics of banking and lending and to summarize and synthesize the experiment designs and results in banking under asymmetric information. Methodology The review includes recently published or working papers (2006–2013) that exclusively employ experimental economics methodology, especially for studying the impact of formal or informal institutions on lending in credit markets. Findings The results of the reviewed experimental studies provide support for the important role of both informal (e.g., relationship banking and reputation) and formal (e.g., third-party enforcement; collateral) institutions and their impact on credit market performance, as well as the importance of studying the interaction of the two types of institutions. Research limitations/implications The number of studies reviewed is fairly small but growing, indicating that this is the area of growing significance. Practical implications Controlled economic experiments are better able to address the questions regarding the direction of causality in empirical relationships. Economic experiments are particularly useful in studying complex markets like credit and capital and in eliciting specific effects of institutions on credit market performance. Such well-established empirical relationships will be able to provide guidance for policy making for financial market reform. Originality/value This is the first review of laboratory research in banking and lending under asymmetric information that aims to call attention to this area of research and serves as a starting point for an interested researcher and provide future direction.

Purpose. The aim of the article is to summarize the institutional tools for regulating innovation dynamics and to study practical aspects of institutional support for the development of innovative business. Methodology of research. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study is the institutional approach to substantiating the instruments of regulation of the development of innovative business in the national economy; the evolutionary approach is used to generalize the elements of the institutional design of formal norms of influence on innovation dynamics; system approach ‒ to substantiate the mechanism of formation of institutional support for the development of innovative business. Findings. It is stated that the key problem for the development of innovative business in the national economy is its institutional insecurity. It is manifested in the contradictions and archaic nature of the innovation process model, the difficulties of fiscal administration of the results of innovation activity, the low investment activity of commodity producers and the evolutionary and institutional limitations of innovation dynamics. Emphasis is placed on the importance of the reconstruction of the existing institutional support for innovative development and the design of intermediate institutional forms to promote the development of innovation in the national economy. It is argued that institutional design is able to weaken institutional and evolutionary constraints that restrain the formation of effective institutions. A correlation has been established between innovative activity, financial results and the dominance of own sources of financing for innovative activity and the implementation of innovations. Originality. The theoretical and methodological substantiation for the formation of an effective economic institution have been further developed by determining a promising trajectory for its construction, which proceeds from resource, technological and institutional constraints and includes built-in mechanisms and tools that stimulate planned changes in institutions, which, unlike existing approaches, allows minimizing the occurrence of dysfunctions and institutional traps. Proposals for the formation of optimal intermediate forms of the innovation institute have been further developed through the implementation of: monitoring the institutional space (analysis of basic, economized, managerial, specialized institutions and institutes); assessment of institutional and evolutionary constraints (resources, technologies, human capital, social relations, expectations, cultural environment, political influence, complementarity of institutions and sequence of reforms); formation of favourable expectations from institutional reforms; introduction of instruments to stimulate innovative growth. Practical value. The obtained results of the research can be used to conduct further scientific research on improving the institutional support for the development of innovative business. Key words: innovative business, innovation, innovative development, national economy, institutional support, institutional design, institute, institution.