The Future Will Be Made of Copper…

2 | International Union Rights | 26/1 EDITORIAL Editorial: Public services, ‘State administration’ workers, and trade union rights Historically the public sector in many countries has been a site of ‘good jobs’ – well-regulated, providing employment security, decent pensions, and structured career paths. Where the State has permitted unionisation the sector has often been well organised with strong unions. In some cases States have limited the rights of these workers to bargain or to strike, but even within such frameworks, public sector unions have often managed to secure an influential role in moulding employment policy. Even so, the model has not been accepted everywhere, and some countries have seriously curtailed union rights for public sector workers. And even where the more robust union rights model has been well established, it has undergone dramatic transformation in recent years, as not only are workers’ rights under attack, but service provision is being slashed around the world. In this edition of IUR, we are concerned with restrictions on trade union rights for public sector workers, particularly those falling into ‘State administration’ or ‘essential service’ roles. A number of our articles concern workers who do not obviously fall into these classifications, most notably teachers, but either States have attempted to class them as falling into these categories, or States have restricted their rights as though they fell into these categories. Efforts by States to exempt groups of workers from core trade union rights and to reclassify certain groups has created a complicated picture, where worker categorisation is a recurring issue, even where the answer seems well established at the international level. From Germany, the GEW report for IUR on the campaign to overturn a total ban on strike action for teachers, based on their classification as civil servants. The effects of the ban seem clearly at odds with the ILO position. GEW believe an answer may lie with the European Court of Human Rights. But teachers are not alone in facing this kind of misclassification and rights restriction. Other contributions to this edition concern local government workers, firefighters, prison officers, and a host of other public sector occupational groups, all subjected to vague and arbitrary limitations on their rights. Yukihiro Nomura from Japan and Du-seop Kwon of South Korea report on excessive restrictions on even basic organising rights, including the ongoing campaign for firefighter organising rights in Japan, based on the Government’s claim that they are part of the police. The total ban on firefighter unions in Japan can be contrasted with the strength of organisation in the UK, after a century of firefighter union activism. Even here, however, FBU leader Matt Wracks notes that recent years have seen the fire and rescue service in the UK ‘battered by the economic downturn and by central government austerity’, with these service cuts matched by increasing intervention in trade union rights, and restrictions on strike action. Is the attack on both service provision and labour rights mere coincidence, or are they aspects of the same struggle, between people and capitalism? Neoliberal policies such as privatisation, liberalised labour laws, new models for assessing performance and austerity measures have torn up the old model. Privatisation has variously stripped unions of either or both bargaining rights and membership levels, and has undermined the effectiveness of social dialogue and employment policy setting models. Precarious working and casualisation are now reported across the public sector, leading to an increase in part-time, temporary, informal, and contracted workers. There is increasing use private sector labour law; temporary public servants, agency workers, and the use of performance incentives and evaluations typical of the private sector, fuelling a degradation of overall working conditions that has been matched by a downgrading, under austerity, of public services, weakening public service delivery. David Hecker says that in Michigan, and across the US, the attacks on union rights and falling quality of service provision are not a coincidence… Next issue of IUR Articles between 850 and 1800 words should be sent by email (mail@ictur.org) and accompanied by a photograph and short biographical note of the author. Please send by 19 June 2019 if they are to be considered for publication in the next issue of...

2 | International Union Rights | 27/3 EDITORIAL Editorial: Impacts of Covid-19 on Work and the Challenge for Union Rights In the course of just a few months, the global health crisis has had profound impacts around the globe, causing devastating job losses, instability, poverty, and social and economic turmoil. Sharan Burrow sets out a stark assessment of the condition we are in: not only are people suffering the direct impacts of poverty, instability and health, but also anxiety about work and ‘a lack of trust in government’; many of them ‘are feeling powerless’, and we are witnessing ‘the widespread breakdown of the social contract’. Burrow acknowledges the tremendous challenge: ‘hundreds of millions of jobs have been destroyed by the pandemic, and hundreds of millions of new jobs are required to ensure recovery’ and that this ‘requires investment on a scale which is unprecedented’. It is, however, she asserts ‘achievable’, but will require ‘a transformative agenda’ and the constructive, on a global scale, of a new social contract, to build a world able not only to recover from this crisis, but to resist what she calls the ‘inevitable’ challenges of the future. Prof. Keith Ewing and Lord Hendy QC observe that the British ‘post war consensus’ was destroyed by the advent of neo-liberalism, under which labour law has ‘failed’, and collective bargaining and industrial democracy are almost completely absent. The situation in Sweden is, according to ClaesMikael Ståhl, completely different: there ‘social capital, trust and responsibility’ remain intact, and this framework of mutual trust explains why a different path was possible in Sweden. And at the opposite end of this scale, in a situation in which trust and social cooperation has broken even further than in the UK, Fabio Tibiriça Bon tells us that Brazil is ‘an international pariah, insensitive to minorities, a persistent violator of human rights, constantly flirting with neo-fascist movements’. In a context so radically different to the ‘mountain plateau’ of Sweden, Bolsonaro’s ‘irresponsible, unscientific, denialist’ approach to the virus is, Bon argues, literally criminal. Liz Blackshaw expands on and continues ideas discussed in IUR 271/272- concerning global transport and distribution workers, asking how these workers rights can be protected under the pandemic, and also how can their unions continue to function – even globally – with lockdowns and social distancing measures restricting union meetings; Prof. Phil Taylor looks at how unions are seeking to protect call centre workers, not only those who return to workplaces but also looking at ways to protect, organise and represent unprecedented number of homeworkers in the industry; and a team of researchers with the Fair.Work group discuss how couriers in Latin America have been asserting their labour rights, and Prof. Anthony Forsyth discusses the ‘legal barriers’ between gig economy workers and labour rights. While some ‘gig’ companies have been willing to negotiate with unions, and some couriers have formed their own unique models of organisation, Forsyth argues that the ‘legal fantasy’ that gig workers are independent contractors has had ‘brutal effects’ under the pandemic. Finally, we turn our attention to a concept that has been mooted around social protection, labour rights and trade union circles for some time, that was already gaining considerable traction in the years leading up to the pandemic, and which has found renewed appeal under the pandemic as a possible solution to racing global unemployment trends: Universal Basic Income. Ralf Krämer acknowledges the superficial charm of the idea which ‘sounds intriguing’, but which many unions believe is not well understood, may drive-up inflation, and is actually not as widely supported as it sometimes appears to be: even among UBI advocates a majority agree on an asset limit and an off-set against other income (which positions Krämer suggests rather undermine the central concept). More intriguing is his concern that UBI might even ‘put into question the existing system of monetary economy and capitalist production’. IUR might have to return to that suggestion in a future edition. Daniel Blackburn, Editor Next issue of IUR Articles between 850 and 1800 words should be sent by email (mail@ictur.org) and accompanied by a photograph and short biographical note of the author...

The current economic growth model relies heavily on the supply chains in the Global South. Despite creating economic opportunities, these supply chains are problematic as they contribute to the exploitation of the intersectional vulnerabilities of the workers, leading to the violation of their labour rights and other human rights. As the post-growth ideas take root in the Global North, this chapter explores how the existing post-growth theories have addressed the issues of economic globalization and supply chains in the Global South. Against this backdrop, the chapter critiques the current state of labour rights within supply chains from a Global South perspective. Building on this critique, it develops an alternative vision of the labour rights and supply chains that is responsive to the needs and aspirations of the Global South, based on the model of differentiated degrowth.

This article discusses the growing issue of labor rights within global supply chains, with a focus on the importance of due diligence in ensuring decent work standards. Global supply chains, often complex and obscured by various economic and contractual layers, frequently result in poor working conditions, low wages, and human rights abuses, especially for vulnerable workers in developing countries. The article emphasizes that corporate due diligence can be a key tool in addressing these challenges, preventing violations, and promoting better labor conditions. The objective of this study is to analyze how due diligence frameworks can be integrated into business practices to improve labor rights. While voluntary Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives have gained popularity, they often lack enforceability, which leaves workers unprotected. The article argues for a dual approach that combines both voluntary and mandatory compliance mechanisms to ensure accountability and effective protection for workers across supply chains. The research utilizes a qualitative methodology, examining historical case studies and international frameworks designed to improve labor rights in supply chains. Notable cases like the Rana Plaza disaster in Bangladesh and the Brazil Verde Farm case illustrate the devastating effects of failing to implement labor protections. These cases highlight the need for robust due diligence and human rights protections within global supply chains. The article reviews international guidelines such as the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, and ILO standards on decent work, evaluating their effectiveness in ensuring compliance. The study finds gaps in existing voluntary compliance mechanisms, often leaving labor abuses unaddressed. As a solution, the article advocates for mandatory due diligence legislation, citing Germany's Supply Chain Act as a positive example of proactive legislation that can set global standards for responsible business conduct. Additionally, the research highlights the role of trade unions and collective bargaining in advocating for workers' rights. These social partners are crucial for ensuring that due diligence measures lead to tangible improvements in working conditions, and that workers have a voice in shaping their employment terms. In conclusion, the article stresses the need for a comprehensive approach to addressing labor rights violations in global supply chains. This includes strong legal frameworks, the active participation of trade unions, and effective due diligence practices. By addressing these multifaceted issues, companies can ensure decent work standards are met throughout their supply chains, contributing to a fairer and more ethical global economy.

Labor movements around the world have explored various forms of global labor governance mechanisms to hold multinational companies accountable for ensuring workers’ and human rights throughout their supply chains. This article examines H&M’s Global Framework Agreement (H&M GFA) and its implementation in three Asian producing countries: Bangladesh, Cambodia, and India to develop some insights on global labor governance. H&M commits to foster trade union and labor rights but is not legally obligated to take steps to actualize those rights. The article contextualizes and signify GFAs importance within international human rights and labor law by referring to business and human rights instruments and by utilizing a social movement perspective. Drawing from three main social movement oriented theoretical disciplines: organizing, legal mobilization and decolonization, this paper evaluates the H&M GFA and GFAs generally. The article pays particular attention to GFAs’ impact on gender because the majority of the workers in the global garment industry are women. In the Asian context, GFAs must be strengthened to be binding on companies to enforce the fundamental labor right to freedom of association, collective bargaining and non-discrimination. They must proactively involve national unions in the negotiation, implementation, and enforcement of the agreement to ensure their full participation and seek their meaningful input on the socio-political context of the producing countries. They must be conceived with a grassroots, multi-layered approach to governance to enable workers from the factory level to the international level to exercise their power and agency to establish labor standards and resolve disputes, form worker-led organizations such as trade unions, and facilitate implementation procedures that are binding on multinational corporations. Further, in the garment industry, the GFAs must proactively address gender related concerns and provide clear avenues for women workers to raise these issues. Notwithstanding these challenges to GFAs, among labor governance strategies within international human rights law, it has the most promise in actualizing labor and human rights.

This study aims to determine the analysis of the chicken raw material supply chain at the Rice Bowl at Miwiti SMEs using a qualitative descriptive approach method based on the results of interviews and direct observations at the Miwiti SME location. The results of the study indicate that the supply chain at the Rice Bowl at Miwiti SMEs cannot be separated from the Upstream supply chain, Internal supply chain, and Downstream supply chain. These results indicate that the upstream supply chain is related to the activity of supplying raw materials starting from chicken traders at Pasar Anyar Bogor - processing into chicken rice bowls - rice bowls at Miwiti SMEs. The internal supply chain includes procurement of raw materials - washing - cutting - draining water - seasoning - frying - draining oil - packaging. The downstream supply chain includes distribution activities to end consumers. The supply chain that occurs at Miwiti SMEs is running well from the procurement of chicken raw materials from suppliers to customers.

Purpose The necessity to assess and manage supply chains to be free from social problems such as human and labour rights abuses has become particularly apparent since the introduction of conflict minerals regulations in the United States (Dodd-Frank Act) and the European Union. Similarly, stakeholders demand that products are free from social problems. Ever more companies are therefore challenged to assess and manage social issues in their supply chains. At the same time, the increasing literature on assessment and management of social issues is disperse and an overview missing. This paper aims to provide an overview of the existing literature on social assessment and management approaches relating to conflict minerals and connected to social issues in supply chains. Design/methodology/approach A review of the academic literature on social assessment and management of conflict minerals to provide an overview is currently missing. This paper addresses this gap by systematically reviewing the existing research literature on approaches for the social assessment and management of conflict minerals from a supply chain perspective. Findings The systematic literature review found 21 social assessment and 30 social management approaches with reference to conflict minerals, with the most referenced approach being the OECD guidelines. Overall, the conflict mineral related literature discusses rather general social assessment and management approaches, such as codes of conduct, while the effectiveness of the approaches is not analysed in depth. The paper finds that an analysis of the effectiveness and interlinkages of different approaches is missing. The large variety of social and human rights issues addressed in the academic literature ranges from corruption to violence, going beyond the scope of regulations focused on conflict minerals. This indicates that regulations on conflict minerals and the consequences for management are seen as a specific case with wider implications for future regulations and the necessity for management to solve social problems in supply chains in an effective way. Research limitations/implications The review paper is conceptual and develops a framework to classify social assessment and management approaches for conflict minerals, drawing on the supply chain management literature. Practical implications The overview reveals that research refers to broader social assessment and management approaches indicating wider implications for assessing and managing social issues in supply chains in general, irrespective of whether they are conflict mineral related. Research has, however, so far not addressed the effectiveness and interlinkages between social assessment and management approaches. The aim of the emerging regulations, however, is to foster more effective management of social issues in supply chains. Management is therefore challenged to develop and implement innovative approaches to effectively reduce social problems in supply chains beyond conflict minerals. Conclusions are drawn for management and research. Social implications The paper highlights the need for collaboration with NGOs, industry associations and suppliers, recommending to engage in supplier development. Originality/value The paper conducts the first systematic review of academic literature on conflict mineral related social assessment and management approaches. A framework is proposed to classify social assessment and management approaches based on supply chain management literature. While conflict minerals often represent a small fraction of components in a product, they can have huge and costly implications for companies, which require (potentially) large changes for the sourcing and supply strategy of a company. Conflict mineral regulations represent the first attempt to regulate social and human rights abuses in supply chains holding companies responsible for misconduct caused by suppliers abroad.

TOWARDS UNIVERSAL RATIFICATION OF C87 AND 98 23 26/3 | International Union Rights | Nick Henry has been a Policy Analyst at the New Zealand Council of Trade Unions for two years. Previously he worked as a lecturer in International Relations in New Zealand and Australia and holds a PhD from Victoria University of Wellington. His book on the regional governance of migration, Asylum, Work and Precarity: Bordering the AsiaPacific was published by Palgrave in 2017 Despite a proud record of support for the International Labour Organisation (ILO), New Zealand is yet to sign one of the most important of the core labour rights conventions, Convention 87 on Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise (C87). Unions in New Zealand are calling on our government to put this right. The New Zealand Government, along with our unions and business associations, are rightly proud of our hundred-year record of tripartite support for the ILO, since joining as founding members in 1919. The Constitution of the ILO recognises freedom of association as a ‘fundamental principle’ and as a requirement of social justice. Supported by the 1998 Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, the ILO Governing Body has designated two conventions related to freedom of association as fundamental, meaning that all ILO members are required to respect, uphold and promote their principles. These are Convention 98 on the Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining (1949), which New Zealand ratified in 2003, and C87 (1948), which New Zealand has yet to ratify. New Zealand’s delegates to the centenary International Labour Conference (ILC) in June 2019 voted to adopt the ILO Centenary Declaration for the Future of Work, which states: ‘All Members should work towards the ratification and implementation of the ILO fundamental Conventions and periodically consider, in consultation with employers’ and workers’ organizations, the ratification of other ILO standards’. New Zealand also supported the Bali Declaration of the 2016 Asia-Pacific regional meeting of the ILO, which declared ratification and implementation of C87 to be ‘policy priorities for member States in the region, to be implemented in consultation with the social partners’. New Zealand’s failure to ratify C87 is out of step with our international commitments and our longstanding support for the ILO and fundamental labour rights. In a quirk of history, New Zealanders played a key role in drafting C87. Back in 1948, the New Zealand government delegate to the 31st session of the ILC was elected as chair of the convention drafting committee, where he was joined by the delegates representing New Zealand unions and employers. The New Zealanders voted unanimously in favour of the convention they had helped to draft. The government delegates considered whether aspects of New Zealand law at the time were out of step with the requirements of C87, but reported back to Wellington their view that: ‘[T]he Convention was not intended to be a “code of regulations” for the right to organize, but rather a concise statement of certain fundamental principles, and that States would remain free to provide such formalities in their legislation as appeared appropriate to ensure the normal functioning of industrial organizations […] provided that such legislation did not impair the guarantees granted by the Convention’. This was good advice, which remains relevant today. The goal of ILO Conventions is clearly to influence national laws, by promoting convergence with international labour standards. But ILO Conventions do not over-ride national law and it is up to sovereign governments to decide how they implement their obligations and at what pace they achieve convergence with international norms. But the New Zealand government of 1948 chose to ignore the advice of their own delegation and failed to progress ratification of C87. If the concern was that New Zealand’s Industrial Relations law at the time included regulations on formation of unions and elements of compulsory unionism, these approaches were in common with other countries that ratified the Convention, including Australia and the UK. Over time, the reasons given by New Zealand governments and officials for non-ratification of C87 have changed. In 2019, the New Zealand Government will report to the ILO that it is unable to ratify C87 due...

Corporate human rights performance and moral power: A study of retail MNCs’ supply chains in Bangladesh

A grey-layered ANP based decision support model for analyzing strategies of resilience in electronic supply chains

The continuous development of modern technologies and their constant growth in demand have resulted in a surge in the demand for raw materials since the 20th century. However, a significant portion of the supply still originates from primary sources, which result in significant environmental and social impacts. A substantial part of these environmental problems arise from the production of mine tailings. Simultaneously, the continuous increase in production, development of processing technologies, and increased prices often result in a higher amount of tailings produced per output of target material, due to higher volume extracted jointly with a reduction of the cutoff grade.The EU's Critical Raw Materials Act (CRMA) highlights the strategic importance of 34 critical and 17 strategic raw materials (SRMs), with the latter including copper. To mitigate the environmental and supply risks associated with primary extraction, the development of secondary sources is emphasized. Mine tailings represent a significant potential resource, yet systematic frameworks for their valorization require development. This study addresses this gap through a systematic review of 66 articles on copper processing. By synthesizing this data, it seeks to elucidate how deposit geology and beneficiation processes control tailings composition and, in turn, dictate viable pathways for copper recovery.This study considers that site dependency stems from predictable geological factors. Accordingly, the original mineralogy is defined by the deposit’s genesis and preservation conditions. This assemblage is then overprinted by the extraction process, which modifies its physical state (e.g., liberation, grind) and changes its surface and bulk chemistry through reagent residues, pH modifiers, and induced oxidation. Finally, long-term storage conditions drive the material’s geochemical evolution through oxidation and secondary mineral formation. The culmination of this pathway is a tailings mineralogical signature that pre-selects feasible recovery processes. The goal of our global data collection is to test this hypothesis by mapping these mineralogical signatures against reported processing outcomes, thereby building a predictive framework for route selection for copper reprocessing from mine tailings.The analysis defends an integrated, site-adjusted framework where the predictive power of deposit geology and tailings mineralogy guides initial process screening but must be tested against four viability criteria: the ability to generate a marketable concentrate, adaptation to local constraints (climate, water, infrastructure), sufficiency of data for design, and a recalibrated economic model that incorporates pollution abatement costs as value drivers, not externalities. To overcome data gaps and extreme site-specificity, success depends on building a global library of mineralogical analogues using advanced characterization (e.g., automated mineralogy, hyperspectral sensing), enabling the extrapolation of proven flowsheets to new sites. This synergetic approach, valuing environmental and social risk reduction alongside metal valorization, is essential to transform tailings from a liability into a strategically viable, circular resource, reducing the pressure on raw material supply chains.

One does not speak of the rights of American trade unions glibly or in off-hand fashion. Unlike the English policy of defining the rights of labor by legislative enactment, our legislatures, both federal and state, have been particularly slow to make such definition. Such predicability as the labor law has thus far assumed has been largely the work of the courts. Here, in other words, we discover the rights of trade unions in the opinions of the courts; in England, we have been accustomed to look to the statute-book rather than to judicial opinions. Comparatively, English labor law has at least enjoyed the merit of being reasonably predicable. The acts of 1859, 1871, 1875, 1906, and 1913 were all designed either to make the existing law more definite or to overturn a judicial interpretation of the law adverse to labor. Thus, by the year 1927 the law was rather definite. The statutes contained statements of what labor could or could not do. A reading of the recent Trade Disputes and Trade Unions Act of July 29, 1927, raises the question whether this legislation marks a change in the English policy of fixing the rights of labor by legislative definition.The immediate occasion for the recent act was the general strike of May, 1926. Introduced and rushed through Parliament by the present Conservative government, this measure failed to receive the preliminary study and consideration that preceded the introduction of the acts of 1871 and 1906.

The purpose of this study was to analyze the general description of the corn supply chain as a raw material for animal feed in the research area using the Food Supply Chain Networks (FSCN) model, to analyze the performance of the supply chain for corn as a raw material for animal feed in the study area using the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) method. The samples in the research were farmers (raw material suppliers), animal feed entrepreneurs, animal feed traders and breeders consisting of 7 farmers (raw material suppliers), 5 animal feed entrepreneurs, 10 animal feed traders and 8 breeders with the research location is in the Simalungun Regency. Based on the results of the study it can be concluded that in general, the supply chain for corn as a raw material for animal feed in this study area is farmers (raw material suppliers) - animal feed entrepreneurs - animal feed traders - breeders (consumers). From a business point of view, the supply chain for corn as a raw material for animal feed has carried out two business processes, namely procurement and customer orders. Supply chain performance in the study area is quite consistent with a consistency ratio value of 0.015. The value points that there is good cooperation from partnerships such as raw material suppliers who are currently still able to meet demands from entrepreneurs, then the consistency obtained from this method is also related to a workforce that is skilled enough to help develop businesses and can support the development of product marketing.

Access, affordability and sustainability of raw material supply chains are crucial to the sustainable development of the European Union (EU) for both society and economy. The study investigates whether and how the social life cycle assessment (S-LCA) methodology can support responsible sourcing of raw materials in Europe. The potential of social indicators already available in an S-LCA database is tested for the development of new metrics to monitor social risks in raw material industries at EU policy level. The Product Social Impact Life Cycle Assessment (PSILCA) database was identified as a data and indicators source to assess social risks in raw material industries in EU-28 and extra-EU countries. Six raw material country sectors in the scope of the European policy on raw materials were identified and aggregated among those available in PSILCA. The selection of indicators for the assessment was based on the RACER (Relevance, Acceptance, Credibility, Ease, Robustness) analysis, leading to the proposal of 9 social impact categories. An S-LCA of the selected raw material industries was, thus, performed for the EU-28 region, followed by a contribution analysis to detect direct and indirect impacts and investigate related supply chains. Finally, the social performance of raw material sectors in EU-28 was compared with that of six extra-EU countries. Considering the overall social risks in raw material industries, “Corruption”, “Fair salary”, “Health and safety” and “Freedom of association and collective bargaining” emerged as the most significant categories both in EU and extra-EU. EU-28 shows an above-average performance where the only exception is represented by the mining and quarrying sector. An investigation of the most contributing processes to social impact categories for EU-28 led to the identification of important risks originating in the supply chain and in extra-EU areas. Therefore, the S-LCA methodology confirmed the potential of a life cycle perspective to detect burdens shifting and trade-offs. However, only a limited view on the sectoral social performance could be obtained from the research due to a lack of social data. The S-LCA methodology and indicators appear appropriate to perform an initial social sustainability screening, thus enabling the identification of hotspots in raw material supply chains and the prioritization of areas of action in EU policies. Further methodological developments in the S-LCA field are necessary to make the approach proposed in the paper fully adequate to support EU policies on raw materials.

PurposeReshoring is one of the supply chain risk management techniques suggested in literature. However, literature suggests that the decision-making involved in reshoring is complex and not fully understood. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, reshoring may represent a way to reduce reliance on global sources and improve resilience of their supply chains. This paper aims to explore if the pandemic is driving reshoring decisions and if the pandemic will actually lead to companies reshoring parts of their supply chain.Design/methodology/approachThis paper critically engages with senior(-most) supply chain managers from three manufacturing companies as they proceed through reshoring decision-making. This enables to develop experiential knowledge about reshoring decision-making processes and their context, as well as insights into the relevance of existing knowledge about reshoring. While not a full multiple case study, the opportunity to engage directly with senior(-most) supply chain managers as they consider reshoring, enables near real-time learning. Not only is reshoring a very timely topic literature has also called for more event-based empirical research. Further to that, it is hoped that this can complement this special issue and support, in a timely manner, the many researchers that are actively studying the impact of the pandemic on supply chains.FindingsReshoring was being actively considered by all three companies during the research process in Q3 and Q4 of 2020. During this period the pandemic has not yet led to substantial implementation of reshoring, at least by the companies studied in this paper. In response to tariffs on Chinese imports, companies had been diversifying their supply base away from China, but doing so by developing alternative, global sources. Additionally, companies are using alternative risk management techniques, such as supplier collaboration, in the short to medium term. Reshoring decision-making is indeed found to be complex and requires a longer-term time horizon for decision-making and implementation. Logistical challenges and growth in demand do drive a willingness of consumers to pay a premium for locally sourced products. However, when supply normalizes these considerations might lose relevance well before reshoring decision-making and implementation can be completed.Originality/valueThis paper studies reshoring in a real-world setting, learning directly from insights from industry as they emerge. This paper develops four extensions to existing knowledge, develop these in frameworks and hope that this will support ongoing consideration in industry and support the many researchers that are active in this domain today. This paper also suggests several directions for further research.