The road to hell is paved with good intentionality

Commuting behaviour has been intensively examined by geographers, urban planners, and transportation researchers, but little is known about how commuting behaviour is spatially linked with the job and housing markets in urban cities. New Zealand has been recognised as one of the countries having the most unaffordable housing over the past decade. A group of middle-class professionals called ‘key workers’, also known during the pandemic as ‘essential workers’, provide essential services for the community, but cannot afford to live near their workplaces due to a lack of affordable housing. As a result, these key workers incur significant sub-optimal commuting. Such job-housing imbalance has contributed to a so-called spatial mismatch problem. This study aims to visualise the excess commuting patterns of individual workers using the Integrated Data Infrastructure (IDI) from Statistics New Zealand. The visualisation suggests that over the last demi-decade, housing unaffordability has partially distorted the commuting patterns of key workers in Auckland. More of the working population, in particular those key workers, are displaced to the outer rings of the city. While there is an overall reduction in excess commuting across three groups of workers, key workers remain the working population with a disproportionate long excess commute.

Accountability and responsibility are key concepts in the academic and societal debate on Autonomous Weapon Systems, but these notions are often used as high-level overarching constructs and are not operationalised to be useful in practice. “Meaningful Human Control” is often mentioned as a requirement for the deployment of Autonomous Weapon Systems, but a common definition of what this notion means in practice, and a clear understanding of its relation with responsibility and accountability is also lacking. In this paper, we present a definition of these concepts and describe the relations between accountability, responsibility, control and oversight in order to show how these notions are distinct but also connected. We focus on accountability as a particular form of responsibility—the obligation to explain one’s action to a forum—and we present three ways in which the introduction of Autonomous Weapon Systems may create “accountability gaps”. We propose a Framework for Comprehensive Human Oversight based on an engineering, socio-technical and governance perspective on control. Our main claim is that combining the control mechanisms at technical, socio-technical and governance levels will lead to comprehensive human oversight over Autonomous Weapon Systems which may ensure solid controllability and accountability for the behaviour of Autonomous Weapon Systems. Finally, we give an overview of the military control instruments that are currently used in the Netherlands and show the applicability of the comprehensive human oversight Framework to Autonomous Weapon Systems. Our analysis reveals two main gaps in the current control mechanisms as applied to Autonomous Weapon Systems. We have identified three first options as future work for the design of a control mechanism, one in the technological layer, one in the socio-technical layer and one the governance layer, in order to achieve comprehensive human oversight and ensure accountability over Autonomous Weapon Systems.

Endeavors to increase diversity in higher education invite many questions, including concerns about consistent and categorical application of the motivating values. For example, do law schools, and especially elite law schools, do enough to promote inclusiveness in the legal profession if their efforts are limited to admitting students from underrepresented minorities and not equally striving for similar diversity among the faculty? Where the students are diverse but the teachers are not, inclusiveness does not seem to rise to the level of a genuinely embraced value. The imbalance between the homogeneity of law school faculty and the diversity of law school students signals that while members of minorities may be capable of learning the law, they are unlikely to become sufficiently proficient to teach it. And further, homogeneity in the ranks of the professoriate suggests that assimilation is necessary for those who aspire to be acknowledged as proficient.

Eurocentric academic and policy propositions on global sustainability tend to emphasize the transfer of knowledge, skills, technology, funds, or social values to lower and middle income countries. Yet, India and China increasingly influence geo-economic and geo-political shifts, accompanied by sociocultural and environmental consequences. Their increasing independence and global agenda setting capacity, as well as their capabilities to institutionally coordinate and execute programs toward economic and social development within and well beyond their national borders transcend the current imaginaries of most stakeholders from higher income countries. Although we are witnessing a transformation of the business-society nexus and its consequences on public, private, and civic spheres, research in particular and academia more generally have been slow to acknowledge and respond to these paradigm shifts. The importance to understand and to be understood by India and China, however, can no longer be ignored. Globally, businesses, societies, and governments must find new ways of interacting in the interest of mutual survival and prosperity. But what does this mean in practice? What could be a sustainable business-society nexus for the 21st century? In this paper, we examine the opportunities and challenges inherent in emerging trends and the positions stakeholders and contemporary academic disciplines take in relation to these. We outline the potential for a future research agenda on a sustainable business-society nexus that is business-relevant, solution-driven, future-oriented, culture-sensitive, and devoted to people, planet, prosperity, partnerships, and peace.

The need for metrics to measure progress on racial equity in global public health and medicine

Members of underrepresented minority (URM) groups are at higher risk of disproportionately experiencing greater breast cancer-related morbidity and mortality and thus, require effective interventions that both appropriately target and tailor to their unique characteristics. We sought to describe the targeting and tailoring practices used in the development and dissemination of three breast cancer screening interventions among URM groups. Three national Community Network Programs (CNPs) funded by the National Cancer Institute have focused on breast cancer screening interventions as their major research intervention. Each targeted different populations and used participatory research methods to design their intervention tailored to the needs of their respective audience. The Alameda County Network Program (ACNP) to Reduce Cancer Disparities partnered with community members to design and conduct 2-hour "Tea Party" education sessions for Afghan women. The Kansas Community Cancer Disparities Network co-developed and deployed with community members a computerized Healthy Living Kansas (HLK) Breast Health program for rural Latina and American Indian women. The Johns Hopkins Center to Reduce Cancer Disparities employed a train-the-trainer COACH approach to educate urban African-American women about breast cancer. Each CNP program targeted diverse URM women and, using participatory approaches, tailored a range of interventions to promote breast cancer screening. Although all projects shared the same goal outcome, each program tailored their varying interventions to match the target community needs, demonstrating the importance and value of these strategies in reducing breast cancer disparities.

High-impact practices (HIPs) have been shown to be effective in helping first-year students successfully transition into college. However, since most of the research on HIPs has been done in small liberal arts settings, little is known about the efficacy and implementation practices of HIPs in large, public, primarily nonresidential institutions, or business schools within these institutions. This article seeks to address this need. Our study suggests that a comparison among students involved in HIPs versus those who forgo the experiences shows significant differences in impact, particularly on degree completion. However, further analysis shows that the gains were primarily achieved among students who were not members of underrepresented minority (URM) groups. As institutions face pressure from key constituents to improve graduation rates while reducing achievement gaps, it is becoming increasingly important for administrators and faculty to assess which approaches are most likely to achieve both these aims, particularly as scaling HIPs to larger settings is expensive and fraught with difficulties. This study reports on the effectiveness of HIPs for supporting the success of both URM and non-URM students and makes recommendations for building student success programs that ensure the success of all students, especially in large, diverse higher education institutions.

Working group 3: How to encourage more minorities to choose a career in cardiology

Imperial Mythologies: Ethnicity and Rebellion on the Eighteenth-Century Venetian Stage FRANCA R. BARRICELLI INTRODUCTION In the carnival season of 1785, a new play by one of the most popular playwrights in Venice provoked a riot outside the grand Teatro San Giovanni Grisostomo. Only the intervention of the government's executive Council of Ten, the forced suppression of the play, and the prosecution of the insurgents by the State Inquisitors quelled the violence. The cause of the furor, Giovanni Pindemonte's historical tragedy Icoloni di Candia, ostensibly depicted a fourteenth-century uprising in the capital city of Crete, the largest and longest-held colony in Venice's eastern empire. The play dramatized the restoration of order on that Greek island by Venetian forces, bringing the city's imperial past triumphantly to the stage and celebrating the republic's highest moment of civic satisfaction as a maritime superpower with important Levantine possessions. Still, after the fifth performance violence erupted. Members of the city's Greek minority took to the streets protesting what they perceived to be the insulting representation of their community on stage. Though the Cretan colony itself—like most of Venice's eastern holdings—had long been lost and the issues that triggered its challenge to Venetian dominion in 1363 had 245 246 / BARRICELLI disappeared, Pindemonte's treatment of the Cretan revolt opened a Pandora's box, unleashing the volatile forces of colonial memory, ethnicity, and historical representation in the charged circumstances of Venice's rapid, irreversible decline. From the little we know about the events surrounding the performance, the political function of theatre in Venetian social life in the late eighteenth century emerges relatively clearly. Long a center of spectacle and theatrical innovation, Venice boasted more public playhouses than any other European capital at the time. Since theatres were open to all levels of the paying community, a wide cross-section of the population made the many performances within their walls among the most socially diverse and broadly accessible occasions for sociability in the collective life of the city— particularly in the festive season of Carnival, in which the Coloni di Candia opened. In addition, the celebrated comedie reforms of Carlo Goldoni in the middle decades of the century had raised the stature of Venetian theatre by popularizing the realistic depiction of the city's social classes, rendered all the more colorful by the use of their dialect. Above all, Goldoni and his emulators encouraged middle class Venetian audiences to recognize themselves on stage, a characteristic that extended to exploring the origins of their unique civic culture.1 In this sense, Pindemonte's tragedy fit within a longer theatrical tradition of dramatizing the local past on stage. This time, however, the dramatic treatment of the city's history exposed social tensions of which even the Venetian authorities were unaware. At the heart of the conflict stood the opposition between historical fact and fictional artifact. Precisely because "historical" drama, more than any other genre, relies on the explicit pretense of engaging reality, the contested depiction of colonial Crete suggested at minimum a challenge of historical interpretation; at maximum, it called into question the so-called "myth" of Venice, which relied, among other things, on a notion of social stability born of a unique and venerable constitution.2 The myth also presupposed the satisfied conciliation of all people, subjects and citizens alike, to the idea of the benevolent protection of the "Most Serene" Republic. Colonial resistance and ethnic hostility belied this image, however, posing a threat to the very tranquility the Republic imagined it enjoyed. Indeed, the public's response to the Coloni di Candia brings into relief another aspect of the Venetian myth that has yet to be acknowledged by many scholars. The multi-ethnic composition of Venice's empire, reflected in the communities of non-Venetians residing in the dominant city, had for centuries formed part of Venice's landscape and contributed to its cosmopolitan character. Resident minorities of Greeks, Slavs, Dalmatians, Imperial Mythologies / 247 Armenians and other "Levantines" had long made the lagoon their home, particularly after Turkish conquests of Venetian possessions in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries made the influx of non-Italian groups to the...

Despite significant efforts in recent years to increase diversity in science and academia, African Americans, Hispanics, and American Indian/Alaskan Natives remain severely underrepresented in these fields. To date, institutional social climate has received little attention as a target to improve the representation of these minority groups. In this article, we suggest that improvement in the social climate in both individual laboratories and larger institutions may lead to better recruitment and retention of minorities in science and academia. After documenting the magnitude of the underrepresentation problem, we offer a framework for a better understanding of climate, illustrate how members of majority and minority groups may perceive climate differently, and provide specific recommendations for improving the climate. The benefits of a diverse workforce in the sciences include a commitment to social justice, a broad diversity of perspectives leading to greater opportunities for scientific advancement, and a potentially enhanced focus on understanding and eliminating the health disparities among different racial and ethnic groups.

In this issue of Academic Medicine, a distinguished group of experts present their views of specific health policy issues and share their ideas on how the leaders and teachers in academic medicine can help study and move health policy in the areas they discuss. Each author identifies problem areas and suggests the role of academic health centers in the application of findings to patients and society through a variety of strategies. The themes are remarkably consistent: the need for academic medicine to collect and disseminate data on best practices, to create and use guidelines to reduce practice variations to foster greater patient safety and reduce health disparities, to use evidence-based formularies, improve efficiency (e.g., offering models for administrative waste reduction), and to improve the appropriateness of tests and visits. Many of the recommendations apply to all of medicine but also are highly applicable to academic health centers, such as suggesting that they take the lead demonstrating potential improvements in the malpractice system, and promoting prompt disclosure and earlier settlements. Some apply directly to academic health centers: they should provide telemedicine to rural areas, educate more members of underrepresented minorities, improve patient safety in clinical research protocols, and initiate clinical trials on new treatments directed specifically at complex patients. Finally, the authors in this issue emphasize academic medicine’s crucial role in advocacy at the federal and state levels to create optimal health policies for the nation.

Impact of ‘Minority Tax,’ Need for Diversity in Academia Discussed at APA’s Fourth Town Hall

<i>The Secret Life of Things: Animals, Objects, and It-Narratives in Eighteenth-Century England</i>. Edited by Mark Blackwell . Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2007. Pp. 365.

ABSTRACTThe study aims an attempt to realize the importance of value addition at different stages of food supply chain to see what the value addition practices mean across the food chain. To do so, this paper investigates the value addition relationships of different supply chain players from farm to retail level. Based on extensive literature review and deep discussions with supply chain practitioners as well as academicians, a conceptual framework is developed to assist those players in identifying the importance of adding value, defining a common definition of value addition practices, and getting motivation for superior value addition improvement. Value addition practices of five stages at the food supply chain, namely, farmer, supplier, processor, distributor and retailer, are conceptualized and formulated to tests the relationship among these stages. The study mainly focuses on the value addition of farm products in Indian scenario. The findings affirmed that the farmer's value addition is positively related to supplier's value addition, processor's value addition, and distributor's value addition. Moreover, supplier's value addition is positively related to processor's value addition, and processor's value addition is positively related to distributor's value addition. Besides, distributor's value addition is positively related to retailer's value addition. [JEL Classification: M210].

Post-industrial society can be seen as a special case of the system-based concept of turbulent environments. A model of organizational behaviour in such enivronments reveals that short-term adaptation to emerging trends is the form of behaviour most likely to ensure organizational survival and success. Public sector welfare provision is seldom seen in this light and yet it is possible to identify several criteria whereby successful adaptation to turbulence can be achieved. Prominent among the adaptive strategies open to government welfare planners are decentralization, decreased specialisation, public participation, and open planning. In recent years human geography has become increasingly concerned with welfare. In many cases this has led to the adoption of Marxist ideology. The case for less extreme value positions that are associated with the middle of the political spectrum has been poorly articulated. This paper attempts to rectify this by demonstrating how the notion of post-industrial society can be used with key concepts from organization theory to produce a general model of welfare delivery. Post industrial society The notion of post-industrial society is not a new one (Dahrendorf, 1959; Lichtheim, 1963; Boulding, 1964; and Toffler, 1970). In its simplest form it is associated with the work of Bell (1976). Basically, a post-industrial society is characterized by the emergence of a quaternary sector in the economy, the pre-eminence of professional and technical classes, and an emphasis on information processing and planning. Of course the concept has its critics. Kumar (1976:462) for example, has stressed that post-industrial society is not really post-anything in an evolutionary sense because the concept of industrialism to which it refers is peculiar to one industry (cotton), in one area (Lancashire) in one time period (the nineteenth century). Despite this, it is indisputable th t th re have emerged technological, affluent, service societies in which a prominent place is accorded to information processing and planning (Marien, 1979), and it is to these societies that the term 'post-industrial' is applied in this paper. Great and rapid change is probably the most commonly perceived attribute of post-industrial society. Change in fact presents a challenge that is usually met by increasing the size of the bureaucracy. And as decisions become more technical the post-industrial society brings the scientist and the social scientist more directly into the political process (Bell, 1976: 43). The growth of the bureaucracy is not of course the only manifestation of post-industrial society. Another is the way in which rapid change has made it impossible to take account of the externalities of ndividual actions. A third is the increasing divergence between private and social costs. Unpr dictability and uncertainty have become the hallmarks of post-industrial society. Examples of this are easily found; in terms of economic conditions, attention has switched in a few years from the boom of the late 1960s to talk of chronic, long-term, endemic, youth unemployment. The oscillations in the energy market over the same period defy simple description. Events such as these alter the ground rules for survival and success in society. In times of gross and rapid change simple optimizing models of behaviour become singularly inappropriate and new values must be sought (Bell, 1976: 288). Together these changes have important implications for welfare: most obviously, rapid change contributes to welfare need while the prominence of planning encourages the emergence of large welfare-oriented organisations, particularly in the public sector. Thus, the identification of postindustrial society demands that some thought be given to welfare delivery in such a society.