Types of Bias-Based Bullying Victimization, Verbal Hate Victimization, and Avoidance Behavior: Implications for School Nurses.

ABSTRACTThis study examines the impact of bullying victimization on school avoidance by proposing the following hypotheses: (1) Net of other factors, students who have experienced bullying victimization are more likely to engage in school avoidance behaviors; (2) There are protective factors that will decrease this relationship between bullying victimization and avoidance behaviors; and (3) There are aggravating factors that will increase this relationship between bullying victimization and avoidance behaviors. Binary logistic regression models are estimated, using data from the 2011 National Crime Victimization Survey: School Crime Supplement, with a nationally representative sample of 6,547 middle and high school students. Findings provide strong support for the effect of bullying victimization on school avoidance, such that students who have experienced bullying are more likely to avoid places in school. Additionally, results suggest that participation in school activities and fear can influence the relationship between bullying victimization and school avoidance.

This study investigated the relationship between coping strategies and distress symptomatology in survivors of sexual revictimization. Coping strategies were assessed with the revised Ways of Coping Scale (Aldwin & Revenson, 1987). Distress symptoms included global distress, depression, anxiety, and somatization. Subjects were 44 survivors of sexual victimization in both childhood and adulthood; 54 survivors of a single incident of sexual victimization in childhood; and 256 nonvictimized individuals. All were drawn from a subject pool of female undergraduate students. Multivariate analysis of variance revealed significant differences between groups on reported symptomatology and coping strategies. Victimized groups reported more distress than did the nonvictimized group. The multiple victimization group indicated greater use of coping strategies than did the nonvictimized group, and both victimized groups reported greater use of the escapism strategy than did the nonvictimized group. Multiple backward regression analysis found that coping strategies were predictive of distress symptomatology in all three groups, with escapism as the most potent predictor of distress for each group. Coping strategies were the most powerful predictors of distress in the multiply victimized group. The results of this study provide strong support for the importance of addressing coping strategies in clinical intervention of distress, particularly with survivors of multiple sexual victimization.

This study examines the prevalence of bias-based bullying and the associations among bias-based bullying, negative effects, school avoidance, and supportive adults. Frequency analysis and moderated mediation analysis were conducted using a national sample of adolescents aged 12 to 18 in the U.S. from the 2015, 2017, and 2019 National Crime Victimization Survey School Crime Supplement. Among the adolescents who were bullied between 2015 and 2019 (N = 629 in 2015, N = 1,179 in 2017, and N = 1,197 in 2019), 40.3% − 45.0% of them thought that bullying was related to their race, religion, ethnic origin, disability, gender, sexual orientation, or physical appearance. Among the adolescents who were bullied, the most frequently perceived reason was physical appearance (28.1% − 30.8%), followed by race (10.2% − 11.8%). The presence of supportive adults at school significantly moderates the mediational pathway between experiencing multiple forms of bias-based bullying and school avoidance through the negative effects of bullying.

School bullying is a global problem involving a high proportion of students worldwide. However, its prevalence and types in secondary schools in Port Harcourt is not yet known. This study aimed to determine the prevalence and types of bullying in secondary schools in Port Harcourt. A total of 1160 students from six secondary schools in Port Harcourt comprised the sample. This was a cross-sectional school-based study conducted in Port Harcourt in March 2014. Two mixed schools, two all-boys schools, and two all-girls schools were selected using purposive sampling technique. Stratified random sampling technique, by class strata (senior secondary 1, 2 and 3) was used to select 1160 students from the six schools. A 22-item self-administered questionnaire adapted from a previous study was modified and used in this study. The questions covered the prevalence, type of bullying, and socio-demographic data. Data were analyzed using SPSS version 20 (IBM SPSS Incorporated, Chicago, IL, USA). About 82.2% reported being victims of bullying, whereas 64.9% reported being bullies. About 9.7% and 11.8% were neither bullies nor bullied, respectively. Bullying was significantly higher in the all-boys (90.8%) and all-girls (82.9%) schools than in the mixed schools (73.5%), p=0.000. More males were victims (53.4%) and bullies (53.3%) but more females (55.4%) were bully-victims. The most common (57.5%) type of bullying was physical bullying. The rate of bullying was found to be very high in secondary schools in Port Harcourt.

Divergent school bullying experiences and mental health: The mediating role of self-stigma among Chinese LGB adolescents and young adults.

A review of the literature on sexual abuse suggests that many women are repeatedly victimized. To examine the relationship between child and adult sexual victimization, 282 female undergraduates completed questionnaires describing child and adult incidents of sexual abuse. Personality measures (e.g., assertiveness, dependency, self-esteem, and attributional style) and situational variables (family background, and dating and sexual history) were measured to assess their relationship to victimization. Child victimization did not directly predict adult victimization; however, the number of both child and adult victimizations was related to the number of adult consensual sexual partners. A pattern of repeated adult victimization was identified for a group of victims of adult sexual abuse; however, such multiple victimization was not associated with any of the predicted personality variables. Further investigation of women who have been victimized as children and as adults and of adults who present with repeated victimization was identified as a necessary area for further research.

There are consistently high rates of sexual victimization and substance misuse among youth in the United States. Although there is a known relation between sexual victimization and substance use, there is a gap in the research regarding the magnitude and temporality of these associations. This study examined whether latent classes of sexual victimization and help-seeking attitudes longitudinally predict intentions of future substance misuse 7-10 months later. Students from nine Colorado high schools (N = 533; M = age 16 years) completed surveys across two consecutive school semesters. Latent class analysis was used to identify classes of students who experienced at least one form of sexual victimization (e.g., sexual harassment, unwanted sexual contact) according to 13 sexual victimization items, and level of positive attitudes regarding help-seeking for sexual victimization. Classes were compared on demographic characteristics and for distal outcomes of likelihood of future substance misuse (cigarettes, alcohol, cannabis, prescription drugs, and electronic vaping products) using latent class regression, controlling for previous intentions to use. At Time 1, four classes of sexual victimization were identified with two main classes for comparison: low odds of experiencing sexual victimization (60.1% of sample) and high odds of endorsing all forms of sexual victimization (7.7% of sample). The high sexual victimization class had higher proportions of male and transgender students, compared to other classes. At Time 2 (7-10 months later), students in the high sexual victimization class reported a significantly greater likelihood of future cigarette (p = .017) and prescription drug misuse (p = .007) when compared to the low sexual victimization class. There was no evidence that having higher positive attitudes towards help-seeking resulted in lower intentions to use substances in the future. These findings highlight that addressing sexual violence in prevention programming may have crossover effects of reducing substance misuse and other forms of violence among youth.

Commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents (CSECA) is a worldwide problem. The need to improve current detection and intervention protocols motivated this analysis, which aimed to use expert opinion to identify indicators (symptoms, conduct, or behaviors) that may help to predict the risk of suffering CSECA and to detect those who are suffering from it, as well as the type of detection tools and protocols that should be used. An international multidisciplinary group of experts in CSECA was invited to take part in this study. A two-round digital Delphi panel was undertaken with 22 experts. An ad hoc questionnaire was created, which included 41 questions about CSECA risk factors and interventions that should be considered during detection. The main indicators identified included normalization of dynamics of sexual exchange within the family, family history of sexual exploitation, and sexually transmitted infections. Predictive characteristics included economic extortion, lack of documentation, and family estrangement. Additionally, 95.5% of participants agreed that multiple victimizations in childhood should be considered for CSECA detection. This study provides information that may be very useful in the development/improvement of instruments for CSECA detection. With this approach we hope to promote the creation of tools adapted to the Spanish cultural context.

This chapter reviews 59 research studies (representing 60 different samples) on multiple victimization—defined as experiencing two or more different types of victimization experiences, including one or more personal victimizations and one or more property victimizations. Definitions, descriptions, and operationalizations of multiple victimization were reviewed across studies, along with samples, methods, and prevalence rates. While nuances existed, this research broadly defined, operationalized, and/or referred to multiple victimization as experiencing more than one victimization. Various types of victimization were examined, but a substantial proportion of this literature explored sexual victimization, assessing these experiences among general population, school-based, and high-risk samples. Prevalence rates ranged widely, depending on the sample used, victimization type(s) explored, and the measurement of recurrent victimization.

Evidence demonstrates sexual orientation disparities in physical and sexual victimization and alcohol misuse and consequences among female youth; however, most extant research has used variable-centered approaches. The current study used latent class analysis (LCA), a person-centered approach, to: (1) model female youths' physical and sexual victimization; (2) examine sexual orientation disparities in physical and sexual victimization latent class membership; (3) and use physical and sexual victimization latent class membership to predict female youths' engagement in alcohol misuse and related consequences. Participants were 7,185 youth assigned female sex at birth (77.0% heterosexual, 12.8% bisexual, 2.3% gay or lesbian; 46.8% racial minority) in grades 9 - 12 who completed the 2017 Youth Risk Behavior Survey - a school-based, cross-sectional survey. LCA uncovered four classes: (1) "Poly-Victimization Class," (2) "No Victimization Class," (3) "Past-Year Sexual Victimization Class," and (4) "Lifetime Rape Class." Sexual orientation emerged as a significant predictor of class membership. Latent classes 3 and 4 were uniquely associated with alcohol misuse and consequences (i.e., binge drinking, riding with a drinking driver, and drinking and driving) among female youth. Our findings help to elucidate the patterns of physical and sexual victimization regarding timeline, tactic used, and context among female youth; sexual orientation disparities in latent class membership; and alcohol misuse correlates of class membership. Prevention efforts aimed at reducing physical and sexual victimization may ultimately reduce female youths' risk of binge drinking, riding with drinking drivers, and drinking and driving.

Despite the wealth of knowledge about the impact of bullying victimization, information gaps exist about how traditional and cyber bullying in early adolescence is associated with emotional wellbeing, namely, indicators of positive wellbeing. Therefore, this study investigated associations between different types of bullying victimization and positive and negative emotional wellbeing indicators, in addition to examining the prevalence of different types of bullying in conjunction with child, peer, and school factors. The study used data from an annual survey of student wellbeing conducted in South Australian schools. The sample comprised of 9019 grade 6 students aged 10–13 years (49.6% female). One-third of students experienced bullying victimization. Verbal bullying was most prevalent in this sample (24%), followed by social (21%), physical (10%), and cyberbullying (7%). Males were significantly more likely to experience physical and verbal bullying, and students living in more socioeconomically disadvantaged communities were significantly more likely to experience physical, verbal, social, and cyber bullying victimization. Additionally, all types of bullying victimization were significantly associated with lower scores on positive emotional wellbeing indicators (happiness, life satisfaction, and emotion regulation) and significantly higher scores on negative indicators (sadness and worries), all with small effect sizes after accounting for child-, peer-, and school-level factors. This research suggests that bullying is associated with both positive and negative aspects of emotional wellbeing, and both aspects of wellbeing are crucial to consider when developing school-based interventions.

This study examines the extent and nature of short-term repeat sexual assault and harassment victimization in school. We used data collected from 7th through 10th graders as part of the Rural Substance abuse and Violence Project (RSVP) to test whether the observed frequencies of sexual assault and harassment are significantly different from the expected frequencies. We then estimated hierarchical logistic models to determine whether measures of opportunity and low self-control can distinguish between one-time and repeat victims. Both sexual assault and harassment victimization were nonrandomly distributed. Victims of sexual assault and harassment who had low parental attachment, low self-control, and delinquent peers were more likely to suffer one or more additional victimizations during the school year. In addition, involvement in school sports and activities increased risk of repeat sexual assault, while self-reported criminal behavior increased risk of repeat sexual harassment. We discuss the implications of our findings for theory, prevention, and future research.

The aim of the present study was to examine the mediating roles of negative beliefs about emotions (NBAEs) and avoidance on the relationship between emotional maltreatment (i.e., emotional abuse and emotional neglect) and two kinds of behavioral addiction (i.e., gaming addiction and exercise addiction). The study comprised 731 participants (431 videogame players; 300 exercisers) who completed a survey comprising the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire-Short Form, Leahy’s Emotional Schemas Scale, Cognitive Behavioral Avoidance Scale, Game Addiction Scale, and Exercise Dependence Scale-21. The findings indicated that emotionally abused gamers had more NBAEs and was associated with greater behavioral social avoidance and cognitive nonsocial avoidance. These greater types of avoidance reflected in higher gaming addiction scores. However, exercisers who had suffered emotional abuse and neglect had more NBAEs and were associated with greater behavioral nonsocial avoidance. These greater types of behavioral nonsocial avoidance reflected in lower exercise dependence scores.

The internet has become an everyday tool to communicate and network with people around the globe, but its perceived anonymity, availability, and instant access have made it an environment conducive to spreading hateful content and connecting to like-minded individuals with similar hateful ideologies. Hate speech and other prejudice-motivated behavior, however, need to be considered on a continuum of victimization, and "like other social processes, [be seen as] dynamic and in a state of constant movement and change, rather than static and fixed" (Bowling, 1993, p. 238). It is a social process that is marked by multiple, repeat, and constant victimization (Bowling, 1993), with victims no longer distinguishing between specific hateful events, and rather normalizing experiences of hateful conduct "as an everyday, unwanted but routine reality of being 'different'" (Chakraborti, 2016, p. 581). Understanding hateful behavior and victimization as a process allows us to connect "low-level" incidents of hateful behavior to the more serious and life-threatening incidents at the more extreme end of the spectrum (Bowling & Phillips, 2002). The Christchurch attacks in New Zealand and their link to hateful communication on the online platform 8chan is only one such example of how online hate speech and cyberhate can escalate to "in real life" attacks, leaving the online sphere and spilling into the offline world. As per Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice, more extreme forms of prejudice-motivated violence are founded on "lower level" acts of prejudice and bias, therefore, hateful content online should not be ignored. Intervening online to interrupt or counter hateful behavior already at the lower end of the scale of prejudice becomes important; online interventions which are to be identified and synthesized through this systematic review. Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice will be the basis for this systematic review. Early on, Allport (1954) asserted that individuals with negative attitudes toward groups are likely to act out on these prejudices "somehow, somewhere" (p. 14), and that the more intense such negative attitudes are, the more hostile the action will be. Allport (1954) put forward a scale of acts of prejudice to illustrate different degrees of acting out negative attitudes, a scale that starts with antilocution (or what we call hate speech), described as explicitly expressing prejudices through negative verbal remarks to either friends or strangers (Allport, 1954). Avoidance is the next level on the scale of prejudice, with people avoiding members of certain groups, followed by discrimination, where distinctions are made between people based on prejudices, which leads to the active exclusion of members from certain groups (Allport, 1954). This level of acting on prejudices is routed in institutional or systemic prejudices, for example, in the differential treatment of people within employment or education practices, but also within the criminal justice system, or through social exclusion of certain minority group members. Physical attack is the next level on the scale of prejudice, which includes violence against members of certain groups by physically acting on negative attitudes or prejudices. The last level is extermination, which is the ultimate act of violence against members of specific groups, an expression of prejudice that systematically eradicates an entire group of people (e.g., genocide or lynchings; Allport, 1954). Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice makes it clear how hate speech/cyberhate is connected to more extreme forms of violence motivated by specific prejudices and biases, with hate speech (or antilocutions) being only the starting point on a 5-point continuum (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020). The importance of this scale of prejudice is not only that it clearly illustrates a range of different ways and intensity levels to act out prejudices, but also the "progression from verbal aggression to physical violence or, in other words, the performative potential of hate speech" (Allport, 1954; Kopytowska & Baider, 2017, p. 138). This is where interventions at the lower level of the scale of prejudices, interventions targeting hate speech/cyberhate, become important. There is no universal definition of hateful conduct online, but there is some consensus that hate speech targets disadvantaged social groups (Jacobs & Potter, 1998). Bakalis (2018) more narrowly defines cyberhate as "any use of technology to express hatred towards a person or persons because of a protected characteristic—namely race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, disability and transgender identity" (p. 87). Another definition that also points out the ambiguity and challenges involved with identifying more subtle forms of hate speech, and also making reference to the potential threat of hate speech escalating to offline violence, is that put forward by Fortuna and Nunes (2018), who analyzed various definitions of hate speech "Hate speech is language that attacks or diminishes, that incites violence or hate against groups, based on specific characteristics such as physical appearance, religion, descent, national or ethnic origin, sexual orientation, gender identity or other, and it can occur with different linguistic styles, even in subtle forms or when humour is used" (p. 5). In this systematic review, we also distinguish hate speech/cyberhate specifically from other forms of harmful online activity, such as cyber-bullying, harassment, trolling or flaming, as perpetrators of such online behavior repeatedly and systematically target specific individuals to cause upset, to seek out negative reactions, or to create discord on the internet. In contrast, hate speech/cyberhate is more general and does not necessarily target a specific individual (Al-Hassan & Al-Dossari, 2019), instead hate speech/cyberhate heavily features prejudice, bias and intolerance toward certain groups within society. With the majority of hate speech happening online, interventions that take place online are an important way to challenge prejudice and bias, potentially reaching masses of people across the globe. The unique feature of the internet is that such individual negative attitudes toward minority groups and more extreme hateful ideology can find its way onto certain platforms and can instantly connect people sharing similar prejudices. By closing the social and spatial distance, the internet creates a form of collective identity (Perry, 2000, p. 123) and can convince individuals with even the most extreme ideologies that others out there share their views (Gerstenfeld et al., 2003). In addition, the enormous frequency of hate speech/cyberhate within online environments creates a sense of normativity to hatred and the potential for acts of intergroup violence or political radicalization (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020, p. 9). It is, therefore, important to challenge this hate speech epidemic (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020), especially since hate movements have increasingly crossed into the mainstream (Perry, 2000). With hate speech/cyberhate posing a threat to the social order by violating social norms (Soral et al., 2018), perceptions of social norms as either supporting or opposing prejudice has been found to have an influence on how individuals react online (Hsueh et al., 2015). Seeing other people post prejudiced (opposed to antiprejudiced) comments online can lead to the adoption of an online group's biases and can influence an individual's own perceptions and feelings toward the targeted stigmatized group (Hsueh et al., 2015). In addition, research around desensitization also suggests that being exposed to hate speech leads to desensitization, which further leads to an increase in outgroup prejudice toward groups targeted by such speech (Soral et al., 2018). With society increasingly recognizing that it is inappropriate to express prejudices in public settings, many interventions will include some form of social norms nudging to reduce such prejudices; interventions that "nudge behavior in the desired direction" (Titley et al., 2014, p. 60). Therefore, hate speech not only affects minority group members, but also has an influence on opinions of majority group members (Soral et al., 2018), which makes strategies that can elicit change in people's prejudice-related attitudes crucial (see, e.g., Zitek & Hebl, 2007). Governments around the world face increased demand for understanding and countering hateful ideology and violent extremism both online and offline (e.g., the Christchurch Call in New Zealand). The U.S. Government's 2011 CVE Strategy highlights the importance of ongoing research and analysis, the sharing of knowledge and best practices internationally, and the countering of hateful ideologies and propaganda (see also Department of Homeland Security, 2016, 2019). The goal of this systematic review is to use an integrated and interdisciplinary approach to examine the effectiveness of online campaigns and strategies for reducing hate speech and cyberhate. The internet also provides an opportunity to reach masses of people who have been exposed to hateful content and ideology online, therefore, this systematic review will focus on online interventions addressing online hate speech and cyberhate. The specific settings where we would expect to see the online interventions deployed will be on websites, text messaging applications, and online and social media platforms including, but not limited to, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, WhatsApp, Google, YouTube, and Snapchat. As mentioned previously, many online interventions will be based on social norm nudges to reduce online hate. These interventions aim to change people's online behavior and encourage individuals or groups to conform to established social norms. The communication of social norms can happen through establishing community standards on online platforms themselves (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, etc.), through more formal online training courses, or through anti-hate speech/anti-cyberhate campaigns teaching people to recognize hate, embrace diversity, and stand up to bias. Such prevention campaigns are designed to challenge bias and build ally behaviors by supplying people with constructive responses to combat, for example, antisemitism racism, and homophobia, as well as provide resources to help people explore and critically reflect on current events. Other interventions may add messages to hateful online comments, counter hateful content or extremist ideology, or redirect people to more credible sources. Both peers and parents have been found to foster racial consciousness and identity development, define interracial relationships and cultivate ethnic heritage and culture (Hagerman, 2016). Socialization influences how children understand their group's social position and their membership within that group by providing an understanding of racial, religious, and sexual privilege (Bowman & Howard, 1985). Socialization often reflects peers' and parents' experiences with racism, discrimination, and their ideological perspectives about race, religion, or sexuality (Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004). This is important because peers and parents who feel discriminated against or believe that the "other" is a threat may impart their prejudices to their children or friends, which could lead them to interpret the social world with similar discriminatory views and/or behavior. Individuals who feel socially alienated or rejected are especially vulnerable to such socialization practices as they feel that adopting these views will provide them with a sense of acceptance and belonging (Leiken, 2012). Regardless of how an individual develops certain racial, religious, or sexual biases, the online interventions under review are expected to target and reduce the production of original hateful content such as antisemitic Tweets and/or homophobic blog posts as well as the consumption of hate speech material (e.g., watching or reading hate speech videos or blogs). For example, some interventions take a rather broad messaging approach by implementing racial sensitivity and diversity training through Public Service Announcements, peer-to-peer dialogue workshops, or films that provide opportunities for youth and adults to self-reflect and learn about historical oppression, people of color, women, and the LGBTQIA+ community from credible sources. The factual understanding of diverse groups is often supplemented by experiences with people within the group. These educational programs often identify a cultural guide who is willing to introduce youth to new experiences and who can aid in processing thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. These interventions intend to dispute and contradict negative stereotypes associated with specific cultures, people, and institutions by sharing different points of view based on human rights values such as openness, respect for difference, freedom, and equality (Gomes, 2017). Moreover, such interventions tend to involve blanket bans on specific behaviors enforced through the public promotion of norms or individual sanctions enforced by moderators. Other interventions, such as the "Redirect Method," are narrower in their messaging. These interventions generate curated playlists and collections of authentic content that challenge hate speech/cyberhate narratives and propaganda (Helmus & Klein, 2018). For instance, people who are directly searching for extremist content online may be linked to videos and written content that confronts such claims. These videos are designed to be objective in appearance instead of containing material that explicitly counters extremist propaganda. The underlying goal of this type of interventions is to provide credible content that effectively undermines extremist messaging but does not overtly attack the source of propaganda. In addition to confronting hate speech narratives, these interventions provide users with links to numerous social services such as anger management training, drug and alcohol treatment, and mental health resources. Online platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, have also started to employ a similar method, redirecting people who comment on or share "fake news" or conspiracy theories, which often are fraught with prejudicial undertones and are harmful to minority groups, to more credible content and news sources. The aforementioned interventions are designed to counter-balance these biased perceptions (e.g., unsupported claims of the Black community as criminal or the LGBTQIA+ community as pathologized) Blacks as criminals, LGBTQIA+ as pathologized) by blunting the occurrence of racist discourse and reducing the likelihood these individuals will internalize and normalize racial, religious, and/or sexual prejudices (Qian et al., 2019). Being in new situations is uncomfortable and often awakens fears and apprehensions that can block our experiential development. Acquiring information or being exposed to minority-run businesses, poverty, and writings from minority authors allows a person to understand the thoughts, hopes, fears, and aspirations of the people outside their racial perspective rather than from the perspective of the majority society (Dunham et al., 2013; Lee et al., 2017). Doing so, counters racist programming by challenging hegemonic beliefs, which can lead to the acceptance of tolerant attitudes and the reduction of hateful expressions online. Findings from the proposed review will enhance our understanding of the effectiveness of online anti-hate speech/anti-hate interventions, will help ensure that programming funds are dedicated to the most-effective efforts, and will play a critical role in helping individual programs improve the quality of service provisions. It will inform governments and policymakers of the current state of such online efforts, what works and which modes of interventions to implement, and help guide economically viable investments in nation-state security. Our search of the scholarly literature identified one review, Blaya (2019), as similar to the proposed topic. Blaya's (2019) review, however, focused on the prevalence, type, and characteristics of existing interventions for counteracting cyberhate and did not include a meta-analysis. Two other similar reviews focused on exposure to extremist online content (Hassan et al., 2018) and communication channels associated with cyber-racism (Bliuc et al., 2018). A search of the Campbell Library using key terms (hate OR radical*) returned two protocols and one review identified for further inspection to assess potential overlap. The protocols include "Psychosocial processes and intervention strategies behind Islamist deradicalization: A scoping review" by de Carvalho et al. (2019) and "Police programs that seek to increase community connectedness for reducing violent extremism behavior, attitudes and beliefs" by Mazerolle et al. (2020). A further review on a similar topic is a recently completed Campbell review (January 2020), "Counter-narratives for the prevention of violent radicalization: A systematic review of targeted interventions" by Carthy et al. (2018) at the National University of Ireland, Galway. Our proposed review is distinguished from the de Carvalho et al. (2019) review in that we are focusing on hate speech and cyberhate generally without delimiting our approach to a specific type of radicalization (e.g., Islamist). Furthermore, we are electing to complete a systematic review and meta-analysis. Likewise, the protocol by Mazerolle et al. (2020) focuses on interventions involving police officers either as initiators, recipients, or implementers of community connectedness interventions. Our review will focus specifically on any online intervention, which may or may not involve police, but police will not be the focus nor be the basis of the online intervention strategy. Judging from Carthy et al. (2018) protocol, we anticipate our review will also capture counter-narrative interventions, but will differ based on setting, timing, and scope of interventions. Specifically, we are interested in online interventions that extend beyond counter-messaging campaigns to include a broad array of interventions outlined above and extend beyond radicalization to include everyday hate and prejudice. In addition to conducting a meta-analysis, the proposed review would build on Blaya's (2019) work by expanding the population parameters to include both adolescents as well as adults. Blaya (2019) limited her search to include interventions aimed toward youth, young people, children, young adults, adolescents, children, and teenagers and did not focus on extremism. The main objective of this review is to synthesize the available evidence on the effectiveness of online interventions aimed at reducing the creation and/or consumption of online hate speech/cyberhate material. To what extent are online interventions effective in reducing online hate speech/cyberhate? How is effectiveness related to the type of online hate speech/cyberhate intervention used? How is effectiveness related to the characteristics of individuals experiencing the online hate speech/cyberhate intervention (e.g., age, gender, race/ethnicity, offense history, childhood trauma)? Both experimental and quasi-experimental quantitative studies will be included. These study designs will address research questions #1 to #3. Eligible quantitative study designs include the following: Eligible experimental designs must involve random assignment of participants to distinct treatment and control group(s). Designs that involve quasi-random assignment of participants such as alternate case assignment are also eligible and will be coded as experimental designs. All eligible quasi-experimental designs must include a comparison group of participants compared to participants in the treatment condition. Eligible studies include those that report matching procedures (individual- or group-level) and statistical procedures employed to achieve equivalency between groups. Statistical procedures may but are not limited to, analysis, and Furthermore, in of a limited quantitative evidence we will also include quasi-experimental studies with comparison groups that provide of for both groups. will also be included. Eligible include designs with a control group and designs with or without a control group than quasi-experimental designs include studies that a comparison group of participants who either to in the study or who in a but out to the of a Eligible comparison include other online interventions or in which participants not or an online Both youth and participants of any gender sexual orientation, or will be eligible for this review. The eligible youth population will be study participants with a of through The eligible population will be study participants with a of and in which only a of the is eligible for example, a study in both online and offline hate speech be not anticipate studies based on as our will be and we will take to studies that only online interventions. will of the of a study for through and be we will elicit the of a the of and studies will be these studies will be they will be and be in the and any related Blaya's (2019) of intervention strategies to the potential of eligible interventions. The intervention is the of responses to hate speech/cyberhate, which includes the countering of violent extremism and to address online interventions that are eligible range from hateful content online specific (e.g., of social media to to online hate using targeted strategies (e.g., through hateful of studies focusing on online include the and of online and content online content and & 2018), hateful online comments to comments et al., 2018), and to users out of online are also interested in interventions such as the of 8chan this online platform linked to "in real life" attacks in New Zealand and the and interventions that further hateful online content and radicalization similar events. hateful content online such has up speech as well as around online users and hateful groups on to other online to hateful content online using targeted strategies therefore, been as an effective online include using the from & 2020), the use of to online responses to in online where hate speech has been (Qian et al., 2019), and redirecting online users to videos for example, Our systematic review will include a range of online interventions, many of which have only recently Two other strategies identified by Blaya (2019) are the and of hate speech/cyberhate using technology as well as the creation of online and These interventions include online counter-narrative the and/or use of online counter online interventions, online training, and online narrowly to address extremist ideologies and hate speech that incites targeted violence and In such interventions seek to or the occurrence of violent extremism or the of hate speech and extremist by channels and opportunities to such groups. The and intervention eligible for this systematic review educational programs for example, provide people with online and challenge 2019). will include online programs with an online (e.g., and and educational and online interventions. of these interventions may by individuals no longer in the creation and/or consumption of cyberhate and extremist material online. These online interventions may be by and internet service or or in the case of interventions. The comparison may be routine exposure and to hate speech/cyberhate or online The of is the creation and/or consumption of hateful content online. By we to the production and of original hateful content such as antisemitic racist and/or homophobic blog The consumption of hate speech material may include or being a of a hate watching or reading hate speech videos or being a target of online hate speech/cyberhate, or hate speech material. of include and of study participants such as and attitudes toward hate Eligible studies must report a or (or to be included. There will be no exclusion on the source of for the and can be from any institutional or completed by will include any of from strategies to increase the scale of of potentially effective anti-hate speech and interventions for These could include to or to the creation of and behaviors. can also include such as a of hate speech/cyberhate to other platforms instead of a reduction of hate All described in eligible studies will be in the will focus on the between and the current The starting with the when the internet to a and community et al., are for an approach in the lower end of our search to the may be it is hate speech/cyberhate online through or and some studies may capture Our population of studies will also be limited to studies in and but of studies completed in any as we are focused on online content that can be and across and nation-state The language parameters reflect the language of the review Our will where studies the of study in will be between the members of the review These will be and as a from the protocol in the review. 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Patterns of repeated victimization were investigated in a large community-based survey about sexual assault. Multiple victimization was common: of the 433 sexually assaulted respondents, two-thirds reported more than one incident; the average number of incidents per person was 3.2. Single- and multiple-incident victims of sexual assault did not differ on a wide range of variables including demographics, mental disorders, and general functioning (e.g., suicide attempts, family violence). Thus, once an initial victimization occurred, personal characteristics of the victim were not related to risk for subsequent sexual assault. Additional research which obtains more specific information on each event is needed to strengthen confidence in these findings. Considerations for research on multiple victimization are discussed. Further research may benefit from exploring contextual factors and using longitudinal research methods.