Unemployment in Disequilibrium Dynamics

The emission trading system is an important institutional innovation which effectively uses market mechanisms to improve the efficiency of environmental governance, and plays an important role in exploiting the potential of emission reduction for government and enterprise, which would realize the optimal allocation of environmental resources. The study analyses the design mechanism of emission trading system, the crucial parts including verification of emission rights, paid use for resources, emission trading, reserve and control mechanism, as well as management and incentive policies. Thereby, the current problems of emission trading system in China have been found out, including the deficiency of top-level design, ineffective cohesive mechanism between different systems, inactive trading market, and insufficient supporting policy guarantee policy. Based on the development trend of national policies and the practical problems faced by emission trading, the study proposes four prospects for the emission trading efforts. First, the issuance of guidance documents for deepening the emission trading system at the national level is an important foundation for the development of the emission trading system. Second, convergence between the emission rights trading and the emission permit system is the inevitable trend of the development of the system. Third, working on promoting the construction of a trading system dominated by market mechanisms is the focus of the optimal allocation of resources and environment. Last, establishing and improving relevant supporting mechanisms is an important guarantee for the stable development of the emission rights trading market and the efficient allocation of environmental resources.

According to point of view of governmental struggle, economic movements are classified in two main headings: Defending Struggle Approach Defending unnecessity of Struggle Approach Keynesian economists are found in the first group. Keynesian economists defend that according to market mechanism sometimes in economic activities deviations are happened and in this kind of environments according to Keynesian economists, if the economy is left to its own process, serious economic problems will be happened. In Keynesian economists' opinion, with the interference of economic government politics applications, mechanism of market is encountered to natural activity. In the second group is covered by economists who defend Classical, Monetarist and New Classical Economic approach. In this study, it is aimed to examine the economic approaches with respect to point of view of different basic governmental struggles.

In Ethics in the Conflicts of Modernity, MacIntyre argues that neo-Aristotelians have much to learn from Marx’s economic theory, not only for understanding the nature of capitalism, but also for thinking about alternative social and political institutions. This article outlines the arguments given by MacIntyre for embracing Marxian economic theory and argues that if Marxian economics is a tradition of enquiry, in the MacIntyrean sense of the term, we should take seriously the debates within this tradition in order to conclude whether it has been able to withstand internal and external criticism. I argue that Marxian economic theory, as a tradition of enquiry, has been defeated by its opponents and that a synthesis between Aristotelian moral philosophy and Marxian economics is an obstacle to the development of MacIntyre’s political philosophy.

Efficiency of Justice and Economic Systems

People have economic beliefs: individuals and families not only organize their personal finances in terms of the relative merits of spending and saving and when it is a good time to buy a motor car or put money away in the bank, but also in terms of macroeconomic policy, such as whether the government should be doing more to alleviate high unemployment levels and to reduce inflation. Economists are clearly experts about economics. And politicians choose between competing economic theories in their management of the economy. But economists and politicians can only do so much: in the end the economy is driven by how consumers choose, and how they choose is in part, and a very important part, influenced by consumers’ economic beliefs.The present chapter has an ambitious brief. First, shared or widespread economic beliefs are examined with recourse to attitude survey data. Here it is revealed, at least as far as contemporary evidence shows, that different cultures, at least among Western capitalist countries, have economic beliefs in common. The second section concentrates on differences between cultures, and also within cultures, that is, on the different beliefs of disparate income groups, social classes, and those sharing varying political affiliations. Two crucial questions are begged: the first is concerned with the explanation of shared economic beliefs and the levels of such explanations, e.g. micro or macro, economic, political, or psychological; and the second with methodology–how are these beliefs elicited and how are they to be examined.

An unfailing element in the Italian tradition of economics is a deep concern with its past. However, motivations have been different through time. Neoclassical economists, such as Pantaleoni and Einaudi, approached the past in order to demonstrate the eternity of the «economic dogma». This absolutist stance probably explains the undisputable retardation of interest towards the history of economic thought during the heyday of Keynesianism in Italy, that in fact brought to the eclipse of this «dogma». On his part, after 1960, Sraffa had the merit of prompting a renewed interest in classical and Marxian economics, but this was not sufficient to relaunching historical work in Italy. Nowadays, when we assist to a new wave of research in the history of economics, a stronger collaboration between historians and economists is not only desirable but feasible, if based on methodological pluralism, mutual respect and a fruitful interchange of ideas and knowledge. Some cases in which this collaboration has already given excellent results are conclusively indicated.

Classical approaches towards categorizing conflict within the field of social sciences may not be applicable to the labor market context because they are beyond economic theories. To the best of our knowledge, currently, neither national nor foreign literature contains any conceptual systematization of conflicts that occur during the hiring process. Such systematization would combine conflict factors at the intersection of economic, sociological, and conflict theories. The article proposes a categorization that is based on the prominent conflict theories while taking into consideration potential employment conflicts within the labor market. The proposed categorization groups market participants (supply and demand sides) and sorts conflicts by type (systemic and non-systemic conflicts). Four primary sources of conflict are identified, including market mechanisms and salary expectations (systemic conflicts), company values and human capital (non-systemic conflicts). Systemic factors of conflicts such as supply/ demand matching and wage expectations are determined by market mechanisms. These economic factors are determined by objective and predictable processes, but sociological theories of conflict are typically excluded from the aforementioned context, which can result in a biased portrayal of macroeconomic processes. In addition, the policy of a particular company and a job seeker’s expectations for a specific job position are nonsystemic, they depend on such types of factors as company values and human capital.This categorization enables early identification of the source of conflict and potential reduction of its destructive effects.

During the past several years the emphasis of women's studies appears to have shifted away from building separate women's studies programs toward integrating women's studies into the traditional disciplines. In preparation for this integration there has been considerable academic accounting as feminist scholars examine their own disciplines to determine the extent to which they have been affected by feminist scholarship. My own institution was among thosel participating in a 1984-85 project designed to help teachers find materials and methods to facilitate curricular integration, and in the process I was reminded, once again, of the almost total failure of feminist economists, myself among them, to have more than a marginal impact on the discipline. To say that this is discouraging is an obvious understatement. On the other hand, the rigidity of the discipline, particularly of economic theory and theorists, is easily understood and exposed. But for several reasons, including the fact that it has not been exposed widely or often enough, the traditionalists within the discipline have never been forced to respond in other than trivial fashion. Because neoclassical economic theory2 itself is particularly closed and the arguments more circular than those of most social theory, it is often difficult for students to challenge either the assumptions or the conclusions while they are learning it. This is particularly true of students in the principles courses that provide their introduction to the discipline. These courses also are where most of them receive their entire formal economics education. As a result, teachers of traditional economics are seldom forced to justify the obvious contradiction between what they are teaching and the reality of the lives of those to whom they are teaching it. However, knowing this is one thing; countering it is quite another. To say that economics has been little affected by feminist scholarship is not the same as saying that the women's movement has had little impact on the economic status of women or on the awareness of the American public of that status. In those areas progress, though hardly sufficient, has been made, resulting in the heightening of the contradiction between economic theory and economic reality. There is considerable disagreement as to whether the economic position of women as a group has improved (as opposed to individual outstanding women who have moved up), but one thing is clear: the more exposure that the contradiction receives, the greater are the chances that the discipline of economics will have to respond.3 This article is an attempt to explain, on a very basic level, the ways in which mainstream economic theory perpetuates economic oppression among women and minorities while at the same time retaining its neutral status within academia. My references to mainstream, traditional, orthodox, or just plain economics throughout this paper include all the noncritical schools of economic thought-essentially all except Marxist economics. Normative economics also implies a critical or negative judgment of the status quo, but for the most part it shares the basic assumptions, and hence the conclusions, of positive economics. The paper is divided into three sections: the first is a brief examination of the ways feminist scholarship has affected economics; the second, a survey of how women are treated (or actually not treated) in economic analysis; the third and last, a discussion of why the American economic system needs inequality and hence why the theoretical system that gives justification to the practical one is unresponsive to feminist scholarship. At the outset, however, two general reasons for the lack of response by the discipline should be mentioned because they pervade the issue at all levels. First is the predominance of positivistic approaches to theory and the threat

Does market-based electricity price affect China's energy efficiency?

The boundary between court intervention and financial supervision should be reasonable. On interest rate regulation, there was a balanced power allocation between judiciary and administration. On the one hand, the People’s Bank of China （PBC） was authorized by the Law on PBC to independently implement interest rate policies on financial loans. Due to the fact that interest rate control conflicts with market mechanism, the PBC initiated interest rate marketization reform on RMB financial loans and completely removed rate ceilings and floors. It turned its role from ex ante control to ex post regulation, including interest rate monitor, special inspection, and administrative penalty. On the other hand, the Supreme People’s Court of China （SPC） has historically acquired jurisdiction on the interest rate of informal loans. It made the four-time interest rate rule” and ceiling of 24% rule”, and restricted its authority to informal loans. As the policy changes, however, the judiciary expanded its jurisdiction to the interest rate of financial loans. This power expansion is embodied in two ways: abstract rulemaking and case-based adjustment. Regarding abstract rulemaking, the SPC issued unified requirements to limit financial interest rates by judicial documents such as the Several Opinions on Further Strengthening Financial Adjudication, which unfavorably impacts the power allocation between judiciary and administration. The formal financial market with high compliance does not require uniform rate control because interest rate liberalization is beneficial for reflecting real credit costs and optimizing resource allocation. If a money-borrower has a high credit risk, the lender would require a high rate to cover this risk, which is not necessarily unreasonable. It is problematic for the judiciary to adopt a one-size-fits-all” strategy to uniformly restrict financial rates, as the judicial control lacks formal rationality, substantive rationality or explicit delegation. The abstract rule-making of SPC violates the principle of judicial deference” and should be rectified. For case-based interest rate intervention, local courts may adjust financial rates according to discretion in adjudication. Empirical study in this article finds that court intervention on financial interest rates is not consistent. Whether the court steps to intervene is influenced jointly by several factors, including loan type （personal or business loan）, purpose （for consuming or commercial use）, amount, and maturity. In case-based interventions, the court may refer to the interest rate rules on informal loans, apply the principle of fairness, exert adjustment of overdue rates, or implement the policy of financial consumer protection or other public policies. The tendency of intervention should be corrected when the intervention lacks reasoning and causes confusion. Judicial intervention in financial loan interest rates should be limited to case adjustment under the framework of legal dogmatics. Intervention should be exercised exceptionally rather than routinely. In order to achieve a higher level of rule of law, specific rules should be applied preferably to abstract principles, while public policies should be converted to practical rules before application.

This study, grounded in the context of the "Dual Carbon" goals, focuses on the decarbonization of power generation sector within the power system. From the three dimensions of power supply structure optimization, unit operational regulation, and intelligent scheduling, it systematically reviews key technologies and optimization approaches for the generation side in low-carbon power systems. The paper highlights the challenges posed by the high grid integration of renewables, explores the application of operational characteristics of low-carbon technologies such as carbon capture power plants in generation forecasting and scheduling, and provides an outlook on future research directions. Low-carbon optimization on the generation side represents a core pathway for driving the power system toward achieving the "Dual Carbon" goals. To realize this transition, coordinated efforts across multiple dimensions are necessary, including establishing a green power supply structure, adopting flexible operational modes, implementing incentive-based market mechanisms, and fostering integrated technological innovation. In terms of power supply structure, the portion of power supplied by wind and solar should be significantly increased, while the scale of coal-fired power should be rationally controlled and its transformation toward cleaner and more flexible operation promoted. Regarding operational modes, it is essential to enhance the system's regulatory capacity and promote the efficient utilization of renewable energy through multi-timescale scheduling optimization. At the market mechanism level, a coupling mechanism between carbon trading and electricity markets should be established and improved, along with ancillary service markets and green power trading systems, to guide low-carbon power investments and optimize resource allocation through economic incentives. In the realm of technological innovation, future efforts should focus on advancing the large-scale application of carbon capture, utilization, and storage technologies, accelerating the development of system flexibility enhancement technologies such as electrochemical energy storage and hydrogen energy, and ultimately building new-type power system that is secure, reliable, cost-effective, and environmentally sustainable through multidimensional systematic advancement.

During the period of “miraculous” economic growth, the Japanese Government directly or indirectly intervened in the economy through various channels. During this period, it is easy to see the influence of economists on the economic policy making of the Japanese Government. This article explores and analyzes some economic ideas that have had a great influence on the economic policy making of Japan during this period, such as Marxist economics, Keynesian economics and Schumpeterian economics.

JEL Classification Codes: F18, F36, F55, F69 1. Introduction In XXI century despite the post-industrialization trend and increasing role of the service sector in modern economies, the real economic sector is still satisfying the most part of modern consumers' needs. That is why transport infrastructure, connecting sellers and buyers, becomes paramount in the optimization process of production and distribution system. Moreover, under globalization trans-nationalization is taking place and it is becoming more necessary to transport factors of production (firstly, raw materials and human resources) and finished goods, because such transportations are of global. However, despite the important role of the transport infrastructure in the functioning of the economic systems, nowadays it is characterized by high level of differentiation in different countries that is a serious obstacle for the rationalization of the economic operations. In the context of Russia-EU's international economic relations some disproportions and general low level of transport infrastructure development is a deterrent factor to strengthen economic development. Obviously that currently applied methods and tools to manage transport infrastructures of these economic systems are not efficient. It makes study of opportunities and prospects of Russian and the EU's transport infrastructures and searching for new mechanisms to intensify them, characterized by better effectiveness, topical. The starting point of this research was the hypothesis that transport infrastructure has a big impact on economic growth, and it develops intensively, being influenced by market factors that is why marketing mechanisms are more effective as the tools for its development. This work is aimed at verifying of this hypothesis and determining prospects to use marketing mechanisms to develop transport infrastructure in Russia and the EU. 2. Materials and Methods Theoretical and methodological basis of research, related to transport infrastructure development is considered in the works of such researchers as E.S. Akopova, M.V. Vasilenko, M.A. Golentsova, M.V. Ivanov, N.A. Makhutov, L.V. Balanovsky, V.L. Balanovsky, S.P. Gabourey, I.I. Karabanov, O.S. Sukharev, E.S. Akopova, S.Y. Nesterov, and others (Thalassinos et al., 2010; Theriou 2015). Conceptual and applied aspects of marketing activity itself and related to infrastructure projects are considered in the works of such authors as E.S. Akopova, N.G. Kuznetsov, N.V. Przhedetskaya, T.V. Panasenkova, N.D. Rodionova, L.N. Roshchina, P.V. Taranov, D.V. Frolov, M.V. Shevchenko, and others (Akopova and Przhedetskaya, 2016; Breckova, 2016; Duguleana and Duguleana, 2016; Frank et al., 2016). To verify the suggested hypothesis and to meet the objective of the research the authors appeal to such scientific methods as problematic method, systematic method, regressive and correlative analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, formalization, as well as economic modeling. To determine the significance of transport infrastructure for economic growth and development let us reveal the connection of the level of transport infrastructure development ([x.sub.0]) and GDP ([y.sub.1]) based on example of Russia and leading the EU's countries--Germany, France and Italy--in 2012. The calculations used to do regressive and correlative analysis are presented in table 1. Automated analysis in Microsoft Excel program resulted in the following simple linear regression model: [y.sub.1] = 12.75 + 4,45[x.sub.0]. It testifies that with growth of index of the transport infrastructure development by 1 point GDP in the researched countries grows by 4.45 mln [euro]. The correlation coefficient is 67.5%. It means that economic growth in Russia, Germany, France and Italy by 67.5% is explained by the transport infrastructure development. Consequently, the connection among the analyzed indicators is strong and direct. …

In the arenas of federal-provincial relations, labour market policy has long been a contested issue. Labour market policy encompassed a vastarray of changes in its objectives, structure, implementation and administration since the 1960’s. The two primary factors in initiatingchange were an ideological shift to a neo-liberal paradigm from the Keynesian policies of the welfare state, and intergovernmental pressures.Neo-liberal ideologies introduce the notion that supply-side factors together with the dominant demand factors of Keynesian policies can affect the rate of employment. As suggested by Stephen McBride and Peter Stoyko, “the revolution in economic and policy thinking, from Keynesianism to neoliberalism, has been accompanied by policies designed to shrink and/or redefine the role of the state, to liberate market forces from political interference, and to free people from dependency on state-provided social policies.” The consequence of this change for labour market policy has been the promotion of a different type of ‘active labour market policy,’ whereby individuals are more dependent on the market than on the state. The meaning of the term ‘active labour market policy’ in the current marketoriented paradigm is summarized as “the integration of social policy with labour market policy, including various training and workfare and work experience programs.” Neo-liberal ideologies also prompted governments at both levels to create and integrate labour market initiatives with other policy areas, such as education and social welfare policies. This integrated approach creates policy, which transcends departmental boundaries, creating a situation in which the jurisdictional authority of labour market policy is disputed.[...]

The Subjective Theory of Value and the Incompleteness of Austrian Economic Theory