Variable past participles in Portuguese perfect constructions

Together with the use of double negatives, the use of non‐standard verb forms is generally stigmatised in all varieties of English, including Australian English. But although we all know, for example, that some speakers use done for the past tense of do, or went for the past participle of go, we have little systematic knowledge regarding the nature or extent of this variation. Shnukal's (1978) study of Cessnock English is the only Australian study which attempts to quantify the occurrence of non‐standard past tense and past participle verb forms, or to explore systematically the linguistic and non‐linguistic factors which influence this variation, while Cheshire (1982) provides an investigation of variation in present tense verb forms in Reading English. This paper attempts to fill this gap by examining the variation in the lexical verb apparent in the speech of Inner‐Sydney adolescents. The focus of this paper will be on variation in irregular past tense and past participle forms. Two main quest...

Modern Standard Danish distinguishes between a perfect participle and a supine. The perfect participle is an adnominal non-finite form of the verb, ascribing properties to a referent (as do the prototypical adjectives) and morpho-syntactically agreeing with this referent. The supine is an indeclinable non-finite form of a verb, ending in -t, used as a component in periphrastic verb forms. Outside the attributive position, the perfect participle is used in complement constructions with the copula verbs være ‘be’ and blive ‘be’/‘become’; the supine is used in perfective constructions and periphrastic passives with the auxiliaries have ‘have’, få ‘get’, være ‘be’ and blive ‘be’/‘become’. In Modern Standard Danish, the perfect participle has restricted use (it is the marked member of the paradigm perfect participle vs. supine); the supine has a wider domain of usage (it is the unmarked member of the paradigm). In the nineteenth century, this was different. Back then, the perfect participle was the unmarked form with a wide usage domain, whereas the supine had a more restricted use. This paper presents a study of these verb forms in two corpora representing different chronolects of Danish, one corpus consisting of texts from the nineteenth century, one of texts from Modern Standard Danish.

In this paper we analyze a new kind of participle formation in Brazilian Portuguese, which we have called innovative participles . This type of participle, which is getting more and more common for speakers of this language, takes place in contexts where only the canonical regular forms were expected, freely alternating with such forms. Our main aims are to determine the structure associated with innovative participles and to understand what mechanism of Brazilian Portuguese grammar makes the variation between regular and innovative participles possible. Assuming a Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz, 1993) approach to grammar, we propose that the same syntactic structure underlies the formation of both types of participles and the difference between them is the result of different morphological processes that occur at the level of Morphological Structure.

Mòcheno, a German variety spoken in Trentino (Italy), displays an interesting case of phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy in past participle formation. Past participle formation involves a variety of strategies, from absence of a prefix, to affrication, to prefixing a CV-prefix ga-. I propose that two allomorphs are involved in the process, a subsegment [-cont, -voice] and a prefix ga- and that the distribution of the two allomorphs is regulated by a hierarchy of wellformedness constraints. This hierarchy in turn consists of two independent partial hierarchies, which are active in the grammar of the language in general, where they are responsible for morphoprosodic alignment at left stem edges and for the distribution of obstruents, respectively. This means that Mòcheno past participles give us evidence in favor of the hypothesis that allomorph selection can, and sometimes must, be interpreted in terms of optimization. By adopting an alternative analysis in terms of subcategorization of the allomorphs for a certain phonological context, the relationship between the distribution of past participle allomorphs and other pieces of the Mòcheno grammar would remain completely opaque.

This study investigates the ability of second-grade students at MA Da’watul Khaer Kumbak Luah to use the Passive Voice in the Simple Past Tense and the obstacles they face in the learning process. Employing a descriptive qualitative research design, data were gathered through observations, interviews, questionnaires, and documentation. Findings reveal that students’ mastery of the Passive Voice in Simple Past Tense is predominantly low to moderate. Students commonly struggle with distinguishing between active and passive structures, selecting appropriate forms of the verb to be, and recalling past participle (V3) forms. Internal challenges include low grammar mastery, minimal motivation, and lack of independent learning, while external factors encompass conventional teaching methods, limited media, and restricted use of technology. The study emphasizes the need for innovative, interactive teaching strategies, contextualized modules, and the integration of technology-based learning tools. These interventions are expected to enhance learners’ competence in constructing and applying Passive Voice structures accurately.

The Slavic 2nd/3rd sg. aorist in-t'b, e.g., pi-tb 'clrank', po-vi-tb 'wrapped', u-mretb 'died', za-čt;-tb 'began', ras-p<;-tD 'crucified', vb-Zt;-tb 'took', pro-stre-tb 'stretched', -žre-tb 'swallowed', vI>s-pe-tb 'started to sing', klt;-tb 'swore', etc. have long been a subject of dispute. Some have thought that these forms were derived by the addition of a personal pronoun tb. Then since 2nd and 3rd sg. aor. forms vede 'led', bT:Jra 'took', vide 'saw' were the same the tb was substituted back into the 2nd person also (Stang, 1942, 219). Van Wijk, 1926, 281, noted that the ending-tb was characteristic of verbs with an original circumflex accentuation and that the same verbs had past passive participles in -tb also. Roots with an original acute accentuation lacked the aorist ending-tD and had the past passive participle formation in-en-. Stang, 1942, 65, wrote that he believed that the verbs with the -tD aorist ending were old root aorist forms (or imperf ects from root presents). The only problem with this would seem to be the expectation that the lndo-European root aorist ended in *-t which should be lost in word-final position as a result of the action of 'the law of open syllables'.

This study aims to analyse the indicative/subjunctive mood alternation in Spanish sentences with adverbs of doubt (acaso, posiblemente, probablemente, quizá, quizás, tal vez, seguramente, a lo mejor, igual). To this end, this study statistically analysed the linguistic and social factors conditioning the mood alternation in sentences with adverbs of doubt. A total of 1278 tokens were analysed. Each datum was annotated with verb type, verb aspect, verb person, distance between the adverb and the verb, sex, age, region, and education level. To exclude confounding factors, multivariable logistic regression was conducted, and the analysis yielded significant odds ratios (ORs) for 10 items, including sex, region, education level, adverbs (posiblemente, probablemente, quizá, quizás, tal vez), aspect, and distance between the verb and the adverb. These results show that these adverbs can be divided into two groups, where posiblemente, probablemente, quizá, quizás, and tal vez are more likely to co-occur with the subjunctive than the adverbs acaso, seguramente, a lo mejor, and igual. Furthermore, this study has shown that each adverb differs in the likelihood of co-occurring with the subjunctive, and that social factors of speakers affect the mood selection. Thus, an analysis of mood alternations should include social and linguistic factors.

Summary According to the norms of the contemporary Russian standard language, the covert first argument of the adverbial participle (AP) has to be co-referential with the first argument of its matrix verb. However, other co-reference choices are a frequent phenomenon, as numerous publications both descriptive (Rappaport 1984; Jokojama 1984) and prescriptive (Ickovič 1982; Glovinskaja 2000) testify. Since the reasons for these divergent co-reference choices have been insufficiently addressed so far, we conducted an experiment that tested the influence of linguistic and sociodemographic factors on the co-reference choices. The linguistic factors tested are sentence semantics, argument structure of the verb and linear syntactic order of adverbial participle and matrix clause. Since the adverbial participle has been subject to an intensive normativization process, we assume that the degree of the respondents’ familiarity with prescriptive language rules and the degree of their exposition to texts reflecting these rules influence respondents’ co-reference choices. Therefore, we also tested for sociodemographic factors reflecting these degrees, namely the status of Russian as primary or secondary language, age, gender and highest level of education attained. Our data suggest a contrast between actual language use, in which the co-referential ambiguity of APs is resolved by verb and sentence semantics and the syntactic position of the AP, and the normative rules of Russian grammaticography, which allow only for co-reference with the first argument of the matrix clause. Long-lasting exposure to highly normatized text registers show effect, as respondents with master’s degree or even higher levels of education significantly prefer co-reference with the first argument of the matrix clause even in ambiguous contexts. The paper is structured as follows: The first section gives a survey of the divergent co-reference choices discussed in the literature and identifies linguistic factors hypothesized to influence a speaker’s choice. Section 2 discusses possible sociolinguistic factors affecting the co-reference choice. How these two types of factors are considered in the design of our experiment as well as participant sampling is described in section 3. In section 4 we apply logistic regression to our data and discuss its results, to be followed by the conclusions in section 5.

The two deictic motion verbs ‘go’ and ‘come’ serve as passive auxiliaries in a handful of languages, in combination with non‐finite participial forms of the main verb. Some passive constructions involving deictic motion verbs as auxiliaries are infused with special aspectual or modal meanings, even in the absence of overt aspectual or modal operators. The aim of this paper is to provide an in‐depth account of the emergence of the Italian passive with andare (‘go’) + past participle, and to explore the possible crosslinguistic implications of the proposed analysis, with a view to identifying the regularities in the diachronic processes leading to the emergence of passive constructions with deictic motion verbs as auxiliaries. On the basis of a large historical corpus of Italian, we will show that the Italian motion verbs andare ‘go’ and venire ‘come’ develop into passive auxiliaries passing through a stage in which they are used as semi‐copulas (with aspectual or modal values), and that this diachronic pathway appears to be valid for other languages in which such a construction type is attested.

Greenberg’s Universal 28 says that ‘if both the derivation and inflection follow the root, or they both precede the root, the derivation is always between the root and the inflection’ (Greenberg 1966: 93). Booij (1994: 27) undermines this by allowing inherent inflection to feed derivation. There is abundant literature showing that inherent inflection can feed derivation in Germanic, Romance and Slavic languages (Booij 1994, 1996, Chapman 1996, Rainer 1996, Cetnarowska 1999). The aim of this paper is to describe and compare derivational categories related to participle forms in Irish and Polish. These include among others agent nouns, adjectives of tendency/inclination, resultative passive adjectives and facilitative adjectives. Stump (2005: 52) points out that the terms present and past participle are, in fact, misnomers since participles are uninflected for tense, and they should be regarded as stems conveying aspect information plus the lexical information of the root. The existence of derivatives based on inflected forms is usually taken as evidence against the inflection-derivation dichotomy, and in favour of a tripartition into contextual inflection, inherent inflection and derivation. The paper addresses the theoretical ramifications of the existence of such derivatives for inferential-realisational approaches (Stump 2001), such as for example Beard’s (1995) Lexeme-Morpheme Base Morphology, which separates the operations on the grammatical (morpholexical and morphosyntactic) features and operations responsible for the morphophonological modification of the root/stem.

This paper discusses three constructions that express past time reference with modal verbs, as documented in a corpus of 18th and 19th century Irish English: (1) instances of the extended-now perfect with the modal verb can; (2) a past tense modal verb (e.g. could, might, should, etc.) followed by an infinitive of the main verb in contexts where present-day Standard English would expect a perfect construction; and (3) counterfactuals where a past tense modal verb is followed directly by a past participle, in which the perfect auxiliary have seems to have been reduced to zero. Thus, this paper adds to existing knowledge of the verb group in historical Irish English and of regional variation in English modality in general. Keywords: modality; tense and aspect; Irish English; corpus linguistics

The bilingualism phenomenon has long existed among people living in the territory of Uzbekistan, including Uzbeks, who are able to speak other languages in addition to their native language. Consequently linguistic and extralinguistic influences between the Arabic and Uzbek languages in Central Asia, in VII and VIII centuries it was formed the bilingualism phenomenon in the country. In the XIV-XV centuries, the Persian-Tajik language use in Central Asia expanded and its potential increased. By the XX century, unification of Central Asia to Russian Union, the Russian language influence on the Uzbek language increased. Uzbek-Russian bilingualism formed in Central Asia in parallel with the Uzbek-Arabic and Uzbek-Tajik bilingualism. By this, not only bilingualism, but also pluralinguism had grown significantly among the Uzbek people. Along with linguistic factors, extralinguistic factors also played an important role in Uzbek-Arabic, Uzbek-Tajik and Uzbek-Russian languages development. Within the independence years, the Uzbek language prestige has grown, its scope has expanded. However, some features aforecited languages are preserved in the Uzbek language structure, and these languages units are used in the lexical layer. Our people desire to learn languages is growing, other developed world languages are being studied, and the situation with multilingualism is growing. Similar aspects will be covered throughout the study.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the determinants of foreign direct investment location – specifically whether firms enter a particular market or not. Drawing from the ecology and institutional theories, the paper identifies firms' own past (behavioral inertia) and rivals' past choices (behavioral mimicry) as key determinants of location selection. The paper identifies the differences between developing country multinationals (MNCs) and developed country MNCs and their (differences)' implications for the relative influence of mimetic versus inertial forces.Design/methodology/approachA unique and comprehensive database about the location choices of 204 Chinese firms between 1992 and 2005 was constructed and conditional logistic regressions were deployed to assess the direct effects of behavioral inertia/mimicry, and the moderating effect of host country environment, on the location choices of the sampled firms.FindingsThe paper finds that behavioral inertia has a stronger impact on the location decisions of Chinese MNCs than behavioral mimicry. It also finds that the host country's institutions, openness, and policy stability moderate the relationship between behavioral mimicry and inertia, on one hand, and location choice, on the other hand, possibly because of these factors' influence on the level of perceived uncertainty.Originality/valueThis is the first paper modeling the simultaneous effects of behavioral inertia and mimicry on location choice and the moderating effect of host country environment on these relationships. The strong empirical support for all the predictions lends credence to the conceptual foundations of the hypothesized relationships. The focus on developing country MNCs, which possess several distinctive characteristics, and the unique dataset, should also enhance the paper's appeal.

In Early Modern English, verbal negation was commonly expressed by the addition of not directly after a lexical verb, a construction which subsequently underwent a pronounced decline in frequency as part of broader changes in verbal syntax. Even after the rise of the auxiliary do, however, constructions with the same surface form as the earlier pattern have continued to be used as a stylistically marked alternative. Data from the Hansard Corpus are presented here to show an increase in the frequency of these constructions since the mid twentieth century. The syntactic environments in which contemporary postverbal negation occurs are compared to the patterns existing in Early Modern English, and evaluated in the light of trends within constituent negation. The interpretation proposed is that a lexical split has occurred to produce two separate lexemes of the form not, with different syntactic properties. Postverbal negation would thus occur in Present-day English when speakers choose to make use of the new lexeme.

Based on the systematic analysis of large amounts of computer-readable text, this book shows how the English language has been changing in the recent past, often in unexpected and previously undocumented ways. The study is based on a group of matching corpora, known as the 'Brown family' of corpora, supplemented by a range of other corpus materials, both written and spoken, drawn mainly from the later twentieth century. Among the matters receiving particular attention are the influence of American English on British English, the role of the press, the 'colloquialization' of written English, and a wide range of grammatical topics, including the modal auxiliaries, progressive, subjunctive, passive, genitive and relative clauses. These subjects build an overall picture of how English grammar is changing, and the linguistic and social factors that are contributing to this process.