What Is Democratic Education?

Democracy in education: examining the experiences, perspectives, and perceptions of democracy in primary teacher education in ukraine Research report

The purpose of this article is to examine how is the PAI teachers’ perspective on Educational Democracy. Where this article used qualitative as an approach. Education as a right for all mankind, is seen as a unifier in social life. Education is not only a way to become a better individual, but also seen as an increase in a person's status. In this case, it becomes an interesting discussion related to educational democracy which views education as being for everyone without siding with one group only. Educational democracy is also in line with Islamic views. This is an important study on how to implement educational democracy from the perspective of teachers, especially Islamic Religious Education teachers in schools. A teacher's perspective on equitable education is a benchmark for the success of educational democracy in schools. This article presents interviews with two Islamic Religious Education teachers at elementary school 200515 Padangsidimpuan as a form of their perspective on educational democracy and also observations as a form of deepening information about educational democracy in schools.

This article argues that conceptualization through the long-term view strengthens the case for education for deliberative democracy. This is due to two key factors. First, education for deliberative democracy has novel potential in helping curb the negative effects of political polarization, which, when analyzed through longtermism, can be identified as an important existential risk factor. Second, education for deliberative democracy enables societies to defuse the threat of a value lock-in, and in doing so to keep their cognitive space open to enable increased flexibility in dealing with new challenges that will arise in the future. Consequently, this article further argues that education for deliberative democracy as an education initiative can be normatively justified but acknowledges that there are still theoretical and practical hurdles to overcome, and thus calls for more research into developing a mature, pedagogically sound program of education for deliberative democracy.

The subject of democracy as a value is a reality that is embraced by many entities. John Paul II used to say that “Freedom is not given, it is a task.” The same can be said of democracy, which is not given once and for all, but is a task for us. Society must take care of democracy, but it must also ensure that the young generation is educated in this democracy. Education for democracy is essential. In this article I would like to look at the issues of education for democracy in the light of the social teaching of the Catholic Church. The goal is to show that the Catholic Social Teaching is promoting the democracy and necessity of teaching for democracy. The Catholic Social Teaching is also showing the way how to conduct the education for democracy understood in proper way (democracy based on human dignity and values).

Organizing Dissent: Unions, the State, and the Democratic Teachers’ Movement in Mexico. By Maria Lorena Cook. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Pp. xvi, 359. $60.00.) - Volume 56 Issue 1

This article aims to analyze the alternatives and challenges involved in realizing the right to education, critically examining the barriers imposed by a socially unequal context, with a particular focus on meritocracy. It proposes that education, as a right, should be examined through three dimensions: as a formally recognized right, as a proclaimed right, and as a right effectively experienced. By acknowledging the predominance of meritocratic ideology in current educational policies, the text concludes that we are undergoing a shift from a democratic pedagogy — never fully achieved — to one characterized by meritocracy and exclusion. Within the framework of education as a right in practice, meritocracy is identified as one of the primary obstacles, capable of generating new forms of inequality and significantly undermining both democracy and democratic pedagogy in the educational sphere.

This chapter examines equity and democratic education in Ghana, focussing on the practice and pedagogy of [social] difference. It is based on the findings of a longitudinal study in selected Ghanaian schools, colleges and universities, in which students, educators, school administrators and policy officials in the local Ministry of education reflect on how their schools deal with ethnic, gender, class, religious, linguistic, [dis]ability and cultural differences among the school population. This chapter utilizes a critical anti-colonial discursive framework to theorize the nature and extent of on-going colonial relations in schools drawing on the implications for knowledge production, subject identity formation and the pursuit of agency for resistance. It is argued that a critical anti-colonial prism to understanding schooling practices offers possibilities for charting the course/path of educational change. It is also contended that in order to create a truly democratic society we must see inclusion and inclusiveness as paramount. Equity is about social justice and treating people fairly in deep recognition of the differences in power and relations of power that exist in society (Dei et al., 2006; Zajda et al., 2006). The struggle for equity entails working to address such social imbalances informed by an ideology supporting the notion that those privileged have the burden to work towards a redistribution of social power. Such power is material, discursive, ideological and symbolic. In this discussion of equity and democratic education we bring an understanding to ‘equity’ that affirms the physical, material, emotional, social and spiritual well being of both the self and the collective. The affirmation arises from a recognition of each other’s fundamental freedoms and rights to the valued goods and services of society, while at the same time fulfilling the accompanying responsibilities. Sound equity practice requires that we note differentials in our advantages and disadvantages at the systemic and institutional levels. It also means that we point to the practices that reproduce privilege and dominance for some while punishing and disadvantaging others. The

The rapid development of digital technologies is affecting the conditions for liberal democracies (V-Dem Institute, 2024) and creating new demands and conditions for education (UNESCO, 2021). Although the connection between digital technology and democracy is widely acknowledged within international education policy agendas, educational research regarding digitalization and democratic early childhood education (ECE) is still scarce. The aim of this paper is to contribute with further understandings of and theoretical perspectives on democratic education in digital times. The potential impact of digitalization on the democratic task of education is explored through the theoretical lens of Hannah Arendt’s (1958) thoughts about the possible consequences of technological development to humankind’s ability to live together in a shared world. Arendt’s views are explored in relation to Byung- Chul Han´s reflections on Homo digitalis (2014), and further discussed through Peter Kemp´s theory on technology ethics (1991). The perspectives of these thinkers are used to argue that ECE needs to approach digitalization as a broad, ethical phenomenon, that affects human relations and interactions, thereby altering the conditions for democracy and democratic education. The conclusions suggest that the question of boundaries become a perpetual issue within democratic ECE in the age of Homo digitalis. By creating spaces for action and inactivity education can promote an awareness of how the boundaries we choose to set for technology are always related to the kind of world we wish to live in.

Democratic Education in an Armed Society: Learning to Live with Guns examines the points of intersection between school gun violence and democratic education. Samantha Deane explores the connection between how we teach children to think of themselves as democratic actors and the unceasing plague of gun violence. Juxtaposing two images of political agency, Deane connects an essentialized view of humans as masters of themselves, objects, and history with discourses that aim to train individuals to be autonomous and rational users of objects like guns. This liberal view gives us no way to think about how objects, narratives, and norms contour the selves we claim to be. Deane suggests that we must learn to attend to the ways in which our ability to act in the world is shared and distributed. In a society shot through with guns and enamored with individualism, the future of associational life depends on whether we learn to do democracy with the objects we hold dear.

This ethnographic paper navigates the intersections of feminism, urban farm movements, and democratic education at La Granja Puerta del Sol, a small farm near Buenos Aires, Argentina. Under the stewardship of Dani Ramirez, the farm resonates with the ethos of urban agriculture, while actively contesting gender norms and patriarchal structures. In parallel, it functions as a dynamic educational hub and platform for activist causes in their community. Utilising the theoretical perspectives of Michel Foucault's politics of freedom and Linda Zerilli's feminist practices of freedom, I analyze the farm's strategies in fostering sustainability, care work ethics, and collective decision-making. This exploration unveils how La Granja embodies feminist democratic education, underscoring the farm's potential to influence and reshape broader democratic education practices.

This dissertation explores how the American public school system has become the primary institution for citizens to project, contest, or affirm their values. Primarily, this revolves around competing ideas of democratic education. After World War II, politicians utilized the schools to propagate American democracy, while citizens viewed education as a means to reconstruct the post-war democratic order. Although most representatives acknowledged the schools needed to guard democracy and stem totalitarian aggression, few agreed on how education should accomplish such a feat. Consequently, "democratic education" deviated from its theoretical moorings and found a newly nationalistic expression in a Cold War era of scrutiny and hyper-politicization This development magnified the societal importance of the American school, as debates no longer hinged around purely education but rather over competing notions of American democracy. As educational policies took on new political dimensions, this simultaneously served to both cloud and enlarge the mission of American schools. Tasked with rehabilitating American democracy at home and fighting totalitarianism abroad, American education became freighted with a host of newfound responsibilities and obligations, often outside the schools' reach. Accordingly these expanded obligations opened education up to newfound educational constituencies rife with critiques, as they evaluated the ability of American schools to live up to their democratic promise.;Indeed, no longer were educational disputes the sole domain of rival educational camps. Rather educational disputes once contained within schoolroom walls increasingly became hashed out in New York's schools, churches, labor unions, civic centers, and neighborhoods. These educational disputes, heightened in fury, and feverish in pitch, ushered in a new era of educational controversy that became part of America's Cold Culture Wars..

Grounded in theories that establish connections among democratic listening, relational dimensions of citizenship, and civic engagement, this mixed methods case study takes up preliminary findings from prior research and explores processes that allow for empathic listening in democratic education and the outcomes promoted by empathic listening. The case focuses on an action civics curriculum—Project Soapbox—implemented in a demographically diverse exurban high school. Findings highlight how, among both students and adults, listening to Project Soapbox speeches led to greater learning about and valuing of new perspectives, increased empathy, greater understanding across difference, and a deepened sense of connection and trust. The data revealed four inter-related conditions or practices that appeared to promote empathic listening: deliberate community building that surfaced students’ values, the opportunity for all students to speak and be heard, active listening practices, and the willingness to be vulnerable and share personal stories. We propose a theory of empathic listening in democratic education and contend that empathic listening is a civic skill that can and should be taught. Further, we suggest that the humanizing form of empathic listening we describe here is one civic tool that could address the deep inequalities that plague our democracy.

The importance of preparation for citizenship has been recognized for millennia, while education for democracy has been central to pedagogical thinking in Europe and in Hungary for more than a quarter of a century (Crick Report, European Year of Citizenship through Education, EU key competences, modified version of the NCC). Educating a citizenry that is capable of thinking independently, is equipped with critical skills and can deliberate about matters appears in these documents as a definitive goal. The concept of civic competence or citizenship competence indicates a combination of such knowledge, skills, abilities and values that make the individual capable of effectively participating in an everyday life that is based on democratic values as well as in civic society (Hoskins and Crick, 2008, cited by Kinyó, Az állampolgári kompetencia egyes összetevőinek és a közösségi tevékenységformák jellemzőinek vizsgálata 7. és 11. évfolyamos tanulók körében[PhD dissertation: Individual Components of the Competence of Citizenship and an Examination of the Characteristics of Forms of Community Activities Among Students in the 7th to 11th Grades], 2012). The various models of preparation in schools assume that civic knowledge has identifiable elements that can be taught (e.g. texts of legal documents, constitutional principles, the structure of the state); at the same time, civic "knowledge" comprises rather the adoption of attitudes and the practice of certain skills. This study, supported by research data based on survey questions, seeks to discover the degree of prevalence of education for democracy and citizenship in everyday practice, as well as the kinds of problems those affected see in this area and what recommendations they have to address these difficulties.

Purpose: to evaluate the impact of classes using adaptive games on the psychological rehabilitation of military personnel in a health care facility. Material and methods. The study involved 34 male military personnel who were undergoing rehabilitation in a health care facility after being wounded. The study involved determining the psychological state (using the standard TRANS test) and the speed of sensorimotor reactions (using the Visuomotor Choice Reaction and Reaction RMO Pro computer programs) of the military personnel undergoing rehabilitation at the beginning and end of the study. The study lasted three weeks, during which classes were held using adaptive games (Cornhole, Jacollo, Elastik, Kulbutto, Boccia, Paka laka). Classes were held three times a week, lasting 90 minutes each. Results. It has been established that classes using adaptive games have a positive effect on the level of psychological state and the manifestation of a simple sensorimotor reaction of military personnel undergoing rehabilitation in a health care facility. According to the results of the study, it has been established that anxiety indicators have decreased, and indicators of performance, activity, mood and health have increased. In the course of determining the manifestation of a simple reaction of military personnel undergoing rehabilitation, it has been established that the use of adaptive games has a positive effect on the speed and accuracy of the sensorimotor reaction. Conclusions. The obtained results prove the effectiveness of the implementation of the project "Ukrainian Center for Occupational Therapy with Adaptive Games" under the program "RITA - Region in Transition" of the Foundation "Education for Democracy". Thanks to the activities carried out using adaptive games aimed at motor activity, fine motor skills and attention, the psycho-emotional state and sensorimotor reaction of military personnel undergoing rehabilitation have changed positively. The presented results indicate the positive impact of adaptive games on the psycho-emotional state and the general process of rehabilitation of military personnel. Therefore, it can be argued that adaptive games are a powerful means of psychological rehabilitation, as well as psycho-emotional and social adaptation.

This study concerns democracy in education examined through the lens of small-group instrumental teaching. Traditionally, one-to-one teaching in a master–apprentice approach has been the established norm for instrumental teaching and the same model has long characterised instrumental teaching in Sweden’s art and music schools (SAMSs, kulturskolor ). 1 However, although individual teaching is still the norm, group teaching is becoming more common on the grounds that it reduces costs, fees, and waiting lists while meeting children’s social needs. In this context, a “small group” is defined here as four to five pupils who are only taught as a group and have no individual teaching. Although these children are learning to play classical Western instruments, the music they play is a mix of genres, including folk, blues, and children’s songs. Although musical development is one of the main objectives, there are also social aspects to group teaching. Therefore, this case study explores how three instrumental music teachers at one SAMS manage the social potential of their small-group teaching practices and their strategies to enhance social inclusion. Democracy in an educational context is a complex, multifaceted concept that requires careful definition and implementation. As a starting point for further research, this study maps the relationships between concepts such as “social inclusion,” “sense of belonging,” and “child-centred teaching” and their significance in the context of democratic education. Even though social inclusion is often referred to in debates about unequal access, in the research reported in this article, it is understood as pupils feeling socially included in the group.