What is national conservatism?*

Abstract. . Bandung as one of the big cities in Indonesia certainly an interest markets for economic and political actors. Bandung Tv’s media through the special rubric dialogue prove this by scooping up benefits directly from the speaker. The aim of this study to know idealism, political ideology, and efforts to negotiate media practitioners Bandung Tv special rubric dialogue. This research uses qualitative methods with a case study based on critical media theory and combined with various other supporting concepts and theories, so can measure the value of idealism and political ideology. The results of the study found; idealism is limited to the individuals, that cannot be continued to their professions, there is no prominent political ideology but leads to the media political economy ideology, and no role for the gatekeeper should oversee negotiations. Value of idealism and political ideology of each individual media practitioners of special rubric dialogue were not seen, it was covered by the power of Bandung Tv’s media director, or has uccurred workers commodification..

American business enterprise is increasingly seeking export markets for products as a means of expansion, and in some instances to offset loss in domestic business due to declining markets or international competitors. This paper deals with market segmentation and its role in the successful positioning of products in foreign markets. More specifically, the focus here is how consumer political identifications and ideological values can be used as a basis for effectively segmenting markets. To U.S. firms, the potential benefit of gaining this insight is twofold. First, firms may thus have at their disposal a segmentation tool as yet unrecognized by competitors. Second, politics and political ideology have constructs which appear to be common to most election‐based governmental forms; thus the segmentation applications explored here would be transferable to foreign markets, whereas many other more conventional means of segmentation transfer poorly from the U.S. to other countries.

This thesis seeks to discern the political values present in the Presbyterian Church in Canada's response to social problems from 1925 to 1975. The author believes that the Presbyterian Church has tended to accept uncritically the dominant political ideology in Canadian society (i.e., liberalism) and has therefore provided a powerful religious legitimation for liberal values. The Church's responses to social problems (and particularly to socio-economic problems) are analyzed because they embody certain attitudes and assumptions about how society functions, thus revealing political values. Different aspects of the Church's response are taken into consideration: the nature and extent of the Church's interest in social issues at any particular time is examined in light of the Church's theological orientation. Wherever possible, the responses to socio-economic issues themselves are analyzed individually. An ideological typology is developed to illustrate the relationship between particular ideological values and approaches to social problems. The fundamental conflict is shown to be between those approaches which employ an individualistic analysis (i.e..liberal) and those which give consideration to structural factors (i.e., socialist). The Church's response to socio-economic problems is analyzed in light of this individualistic/structural dichotomy and can therefore be associated with a particular political viewpoint. Historically, the Presbyterian Church is shown to have consistently employed an approach to social problems which has conformed with a liberal viewpoint.

contingent of missionaries to be and of new leaderships to conduct the development of base communities. In another way, he would have always tried to place himself in an explicit way in defense of social and political rights of all people, no matter the social class, religious beliefs and political ideologies. The study is divided in four chapters. On Chapter 1, it analyses the history of the II Vatican Council realization (1962)(1963)(1964)(1965) and the Second Conference of the Latin American Episcopacy (1968), besides the content of the main documents published during these two events. On Chapter 2, it presents D. Paulo Arns brief historical biography, from his childhood to his staying in Petropolis (RJ) for more than ten years, where he would exercise several positions (academic, journalistic and religious). On Chapter 3, D. Paulo Arns first pastoral initiatives

Research has documented that perceived threats posed by refugees and immigrants shape responses toward these populations in (mostly Western) host societies. In this study, we tested whether realistic, symbolic, and collective psychological ownership threats are empirically distinct and whether they predict prejudice toward Syrian refugees and anti-refugee policy support in Türkiye, where anti-refugee public sentiment is quite strong. In addition, we considered the role of perceptions of the state’s treatment of refugees (i.e., as unfairly prioritizing the needs of the refugees at the expense of citizens) in shaping the responses of host nation members toward refugees. We collected data from 349 participants using university’s participant pool. We conducted confirmatory factor analysis to examine if realistic, symbolic, and collective psychological ownership threats are distinct constructs. The results supported this hypothesis. We conducted structural equation models where anti-refugee policy support related to three domains (acceptance and cultural integration of refugees, financial aids, political rights and citizenship), social distance, and negative attitudes were regressed on realistic, symbolic, collective psychological ownership threats, and perceived treatment of refugees by the state, along with control variables (intergroup contact, political ideology, and religiosity). The results have shown that realistic and symbolic threats positively predicted prejudice and anti-immigrant policy support whereas collective psychological ownership threat did not. Perceived treatment of refugees by the state predicted lower support for financial aid policies and greater social distance. Exploratory analyses suggested that perceptions regarding Syrian refugees spilled over to prejudice toward Afghan refugees. We discuss the implications of our findings for threat and relative deprivation theories as well as their applied implications for host societies.

Strong economic interests and public powers are indeed making the media could not be neutral, honest, fair, objective and open. As a result, the information presented by the media has raised the issue of serious objectivity of knowledge on the media itself. The hegemony in the media then becomes strategic. Mass media as part of the public space, which includes languages, signs and symbols are produced, distributed and not served as a mere passive hegemony. Because of the operation of political ideology behind the media, it could not be separated from hidden-ness and ideological mechanisms that infiltrate and exert influence through the media that changes the people perception. Therefore, a critique of ideology can help and understand how ideology is very important and plays a role in a sistem of mass media. In addition to the criticism ideology discloses certain interests behind the value of the hidden ideology.[Kuatnya kepentingan ekonomi dan kekuasaan publik inilah yang sesungguhnya menjadikan media tidak dapat netral, jujur, adil, objektif, dan terbuka. Akibatnya, informasi yang disuguhkan oleh media telah menimbulkan persoalan objektivitas pengetahuan yang serius pada media itu sendiri, dan hegemoni dalam media menjadi hal yang sangat strategis. Media massa sebagai bagian dari ruang publik, yang didalamnya bahasa, tanda dan simbol-simbol diproduksi, disebarluaskan dan ini bukan sebagai alat hegemoni yang bersifat pasif semata. Karena itu beroperasinya ideologi dibalik politik media tidak dapat dipisahkan dari mekanisme ketersembunyian dan ideologi itu menyusup serta menanamkan pengaruhnya lewat media secara tersembunyi merubah pandangan setiap orang secara tidak sadar. Oleh karena itu kritik terhadap ideologi dapat membantu dan memahami betapa ideologi sangat penting dan berperan dalam suatu sistem media massa, disamping itu kritik idoleogi dapat mengungkapkan kepentingan- kepentingan tertentu di belakang nilai ideologi yang tersembunyi.]

This article reflects my involvement in Indonesia’s Islamic feminist movement through gender training activities in pesantren and a reevaluation of classical texts from a feminist perspective. In these ways, the concept of gender and key elements of equality and justice, such as women’s reproductive rights and political rights, can be widely accepted by the Muslim community. In Egypt, the feminist movement, according to Saba Mahmood, has failed to understand the agency of the fundamentalist women’s movement. But in Indonesia, active collaboration has occurred between secular and Muslim feminists. They opposed the discourse of identity politics and the patriarchal political ideology legitimized by the New Order regime. They built concepts and collective action through pesantren, Islamic universities, and the networks of two Islamic women’s organizations, Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama and Aisyiyah Muhammadiyah. The convergence of these two streams of feminism is a key strength and essential feature of the Islamic feminist movement in Indonesia.

Social epidemiology explores health in the context of broad social determinants of health, where the boundary lines between health and politics appear increasingly blurred. Social determinants of health such as caste, discrimination, and social exclusion are inherently political in nature, hence it becomes imperative to look at health through a broader perspective of political philosophy, ideology, and caste that imposes enormous obstacles to a person's full attainment of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. Caste is descent based and hereditary in nature. It is a characteristic determined by one's birth into a particular caste, irrespective of the faith practiced by the individual. Caste denotes a system of rigid social stratification into ranked groups defined by descent and occupation. Under various caste systems throughout the world, caste divisions also dominate in housing, marriage, and general social interaction divisions that are reinforced through the practice and threat of social ostracism, economic boycotts, and even physical violence—all of which undermine health equality.

Purpose of the study:This study aims to analyze the legal politics of Pancasila as an ideology to eradicate radicalism in Indonesia.Methodology:The method employed in this study is a normative legal method using statutory, conceptual, and case approaches.Results:This study found that the fundamental problem in preventing radicalism within the framework of a rule of law is the inability to comprehend (ground) the basic values of ideology and the state constitution in a complete manner (kaffah) to manage and maintain the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The isolation and divides that negate the constitutional foundation and the ideal foundation in managing and maintaining the dignity of the nation's and state's sovereignty are another form of error in guiding the steps on the journey of the nation and the Indonesian State to the gate of bankruptcy as a sovereign nation and state. Applications of this study:This research can be used by academics and practitioners in philosophical of law so that they can create an instrument to strengthen Pancasila as an ideology to combat radicalism. Novelty/Originality of this study:Legislation may not immediately have an impact on changes and habits of people's behavior. Society does not abide by the law as autonomous individuals because principally, they are all social creatures. The social structure of a living society, called semi-autonomous social fields (SASF), gives rise to external regulations (national law) that are examined and interpreted. Therefore, the result of the encounter (clash) of internal rules with external rules in society is the formulation of strategic objectives of society that are constrasting with those originally intended by legislators.

In this study, we analyzed associations between vaccination knowledge, vaccination intention, political ideology, and belief in conspiracy theories before and during the 2020 Sars-Cov-2 pandemic in the Brazilian population. It was conducted a longitudinal study into three data collections. Participants responded to the Flexible Inventory of Conspiracy Suspicions (FICS), questionnaires measuring their knowledge, and opinion about vaccines, and sociodemographic data. The results were: the greater the belief in conspiracy theories about vaccines, the lesser the intention to get vaccinated, the vaccine knowledge, and the attitudes towards vaccine investment. Religious, prone to right-wing politics, parents, and older people scored more for FICS than atheists/agnostics, and younger people. From 2019 to 2020 the vaccination intention and vaccination investment did not differ, showing that people did not change their opinion about vaccines regardless of personal experience or the pandemic scenario. The research strengthened the relevance of health education as a milestone for public health and protection from dangerous conspiracy theories.

The talk will focus on the potential of social media to support commoning relations and the actuality of devastating impacts through post-truth, fake-news populism.