Why are some suicide terror attacks more newsworthy than others?

The employment of female suicide bombers continues to be a trend among terrorist organisations. Due to their sensationalist nature, suicide bombings attract extensive media attention and are often covered through different, though intentional, lenses. While existing literature has identified various frames that the media used to portray female suicide bombers, there is not yet a study focusing on the framing of those affiliated with Boko Haram, an organisation known for its high rate of children and women involved in suicide attacks. Investigating media coverage of suicide bombing events carried out by Boko Haram’s female bombers after the Chibok abduction reveals two prominent frames: the liable agents frame, which is utilised mostly in local sources, and the vulnerable and helpless girls frame, in international sources. While a polarised construction of Boko Haram’s female suicide bombers can have both negative and positive implications, a comprehensive portrayal that treats these women as more than either perpetrators of violence or victims is needed. This can only be accomplished if journalists understand the consequences of their news writing routines and the media sources’ organisational pressures and constraints are adjusted to accommodate a more complex representation of the female suicide bombers in Boko Haram.

In the recent years, Nigeria has witnessed the insurgent of terrorist attacks by a group known as Boko Haram. A clear approach to the ideological spring of this Islamic sect has eluded scholarly discussion. One of the major moral challenges with Boko Haram menace has been its method and approach to their struggle. Though there is no clarity with the ideological aims, goals or objectives of this sect, but its acceptance of suicide terrorism in their struggle has become great issues of concern. Boko Haram's suicide terrorism has raised a lot of philosophical questions; what are the grievances that motivated members and sympathizers of Boko Haram? What are the sociopolitical factors that sustain their ideological resonance and operational capability? What are the rationales behind modern religiously inspired terrorism? How did Boko Haram emerge? Is it different from other terrorist groups? What has led to the current outbreak of violence, in the form of Boko Haram? Have conditions somehow worsened in recent years? Is the violence largely a result of a particularly popular radicalizing agent? Does a religion have a right to enjoin acts which are irrational and immoral? Or does the religious person have the converse right-even a God-given right-to analyze the tenets of a religion for conformity to reason, and to resolutely discountenance any religious directives which go clearly against reason and ethics? The crux of this work is to philosophically consider the moral implication of suicide terrorism with particular reference to Boko haram. Language: en

The centrality of media amid society has been interrupted by gigantic impact of the internet nowadays. Departing from Lippman’s proposition, the foundation of agenda-setting theory with ecological online sphere consideration, and Galtung’s and devotees’ thought about international media works this research comparing national and international media Jakarta’s image as the capital city of Indonesia. Nevertheless, this essential topic seems neglected by previous research. This study used post-positivism paradigm, mixed-data with content analysis method, online observation. The sample of news taken randomly from the significant media according to pressgazette.co.uk for international media (6 media of 50), for Indonesia media was 4 of top 10 media. The selected news portal observed. The displayed news collected, structured, afterward analyzed systematically, objectively, from the title, paragraph, to the picture if any. The data shows both national and international media frame Jakarta’s image differently. International media portray Jakarta in negative way which is in line with Galtung’s and his devotee’s argument, appears as the third world country, framed with the negative attributes and tones as the most polluted city, sinking city, even dangerous city as the residence, workspace, and others. While major national media present Jakarta favorably as the central of national bustles in economy, business, education, and so forth, except one media reported Jakarta in deleterious way. This means the image of thing (capital city) related tightly to the interests or determining factors of media, while international media more complex layers than national media.

Background: This study, through the lens of International Relations (IR) theory, examines the patterns of Boko Haram's use of child soldiers in Nigeria, and the role of UNICEF in child protection. Boko Haram, the jihadist terrorist organization which is predominantly active in northeastern Nigeria, recruiting and using children as combatants, suicide bombers, human shield, and operation associates for the organization's deplorable atrocities has been a major concern in child protection. Method: The usage of children in armed conflicts is an internationally recognized war crime, particularly in reference to human rights. Thus, the research investigates the strategic tactics employed by Boko Haram to recruit children. Some of the well-known tactics are, ideological indoctrination, exploitation of poverty, and capitalization on weak governance. In parallel, the study analyses the long-term and devastating consequences for affected children, such as severe physical and psychological trauma from witnessing and participating in violence, loss of education, and confrontation of stigma and rejection from their communities once escape or rescued from Boko Haram. The research also observes how UNICEF could implement practical, effective, and strategic initiatives to protect children from recruitment, and to provide alternative pathways for children affected by the conflict to rehabilitate and reintegrate into the community, while acknowledging the limitations and challenges when implementing them in highly volatile environments. The research utilizes qualitative analysis of various secondary sources such as reports from international organizations, and journal articles, in order to explore pragmatic measures to ensure children's protection at the face of Boko Haram's engagements. Conclusion: The study seeks to integrate theoretical and conceptual frameworks in IR, particularly the theory of Neoliberal Institutionalism, and concepts of violence, backed by empirical evidence, in order to examine the dynamics of Boko Haram's child soldier recruitment, and offer policy recommendations for more effective child protection strategies.

For over a decade, Boko Haram has waged a campaign of terror across northeastern Nigeria. In 2014, the kidnapping of 276 girls in Chibok shocked the world, giving rise to the #BringBackOurGirls movement. Yet Boko Haram’s campaign of violence against women and girls goes far beyond the Chibok abductions. From its inception, the group has systematically exploited women to advance its aims. Perhaps more disturbing still, some Nigerian women have chosen to become active supporters of the group, even sacrificing their lives as suicide bombers. These events cannot be understood without first acknowledging the long-running marginalisation of women in Nigerian society.

Over the past 50 years, suicide bombings have become an increasingly common tactic of politically motivated violence, and a rising number of these attacks feature women perpetrators. Prior literature suggested that female-perpetrated suicide bombings occurring between 1985 through 2008 inflicted greater casualties, which may account in part for their increased use by terror groups. The current research project ascertains whether sex continues to predict the lethality of suicide bombing attacks perpetrated by terror groups over the decade leading up to 2016. The study utilizes secondary data sampled from the Global Terrorism Database (N = 881) and the Chicago Project on Security and Threats (N = 1,722). A negative binomial model regressing lethality against perpetrator and conflict covariates did not observe a statistically significant relationship between sex and lethality. Male and female suicide bombers demonstrated similar lethality in suicide bombing events between 2005 and 2016, although scatterplots suggest some aberration during the years 2009, 2010, and 2016. Pairwise comparisons of perpetrator sex by conflict observed some variation in the lethality of attacks, with female suicide bombers from Al Qaeda, the Islamic State of Iraq, and Iraqi rebel groups found more lethal than male suicide bombers from Boko Haram and the Nigerian rebels. The current research project contributes to the literature by demonstrating the evolving nature of terrorism and tactics relevant to the lethality of politically motivated violent attacks.

This study aims to explain the impact of the Beijing Olympic Games 2008 on China's image in the international TV media. It applies agenda-setting theory to analyse foreign TV coverage of the Olympics in nine countries. Using Rivenburgh's national image richness construct, it attempts to make sense of the coverage before and after Beijing 2008, particularly its impact on the image of the host country. The study concludes that the breadth and attribution of China's image remained relatively stable, that these factors did not improve China's national image directly but that indirectly they raised awareness of China in the international media and framed the host country's image more clearly.

Boko Haram insurgency has caused the death and displacement of thousands of Nigerians. Its means of terror has evolved from the use of crude weapons to bombs, kidnappings and the use of children as suicide bombers. Its reach has expanded beyond Nigeria into neighbouring West African countries and it has pledged allegiance to Al-Qaida and Islamic State. To address this security concern, its cause should first be ascertained. This paper argues that to do this, Boko Haram should be located in northern Nigerian historical context/environment. This paper reviews economic greed and grievance, extreme religious ideology and political opportunity in historic insurgencies in northern Nigeria. It finds that while the interplay of different factors shaped these insurgencies; it was political opportunity that ignited their onsets. Finally, the article submits that as long as these factors remain the same, military quelling of Boko Haram will not prevent a re-emergence of its likes.

(11 JANUARY 2012) [Trans.: Abdulbasit Kassim] Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=umkj50SUzck From September 2010 to January 2012, Boko Haram stepped up the sophistication of its attacks and most of its threats became reality. Of particular interest during these periods are three suicide attacks—all claimed by Boko Haram: one on 16 June 2011 at the Abuja police headquarters, which was allegedly carried out by Muhammad Manga...

The Propaganda and the Image of Kumanova Incident

Background Air pollution is of particular concern in India, which contains 11 of the 20 most polluted cities in the world. Media coverage of air pollution issues plays an important role in influencing public opinion and increasing citizen demand for action on clean air policy. Hence, this study was designed to assess news coverage of air pollution in India and its implications for policy advancement. Methods Articles published online between 1 January 2014 and 31 October 2015 that discussed air pollution in India were systematically content analysed. From 6435 articles in the national media and 271 articles in the international media, a random selection of 500 articles (400 from national and 100 from international media) were analysed and coded by two independent coders, after high inter-rater reliability (kappa statistic above 0.8) was established. Results There was an increase in the number of news stories on air pollution in India in the national media over the study period; 317 (63%) stories described the risk to health from air pollution as moderately to extremely severe, and 393 (79%) stories described the situation as needing urgent action. Limited information was provided on the kinds of illnesses that can result from exposure. Less than 30% of stories in either media specifically mentioned the common illnesses resulting from air pollution. Very few articles in either media mentioned the population groups most at risk from air pollution, such as children or older people. Vehicles were presented most often as the cause of air pollution in India (in over 50% of articles in both national and international media). Some of the most important sources of air pollution were mentioned less often: 6% of national and 18% of international media articles mentioned unclean sources of household energy; 3% of national and 9% of international media articles mentioned agricultural field burning. Finally, the majority of articles (405; 81%) did not mention any specific institution or organization - such as the government or industry groups - as the primary responsible stakeholder, thus leaving ambiguous the organizations whose leadership was necessary to mitigate air pollution. Conclusion Gaps exist in the current media discourse on air pollution, suggesting the need for strengthening engagement with the media as a means of creating citizen engagement and enabling policy action. Through greater elaboration of the health burdens and evidence-based policy actions, the media can play a critical role in galvanizing India's action on air quality. These data may suggest opportunities for media advocacy and greater public and policy engagement to address issues around air quality in India.

This study utilizes the Event-Domain Cognitive Model (ECM) within cognitive linguistics to analyze narrative construction in international news media coverage of the Beijing Winter Olympics. Through qualitative analysis of 1673 news articles from five diverse media outlets, the research outlines a multilevel cognitive rhetoric framework to explore the integration of cultural, historical, and emotional factors in media discourse. At the macro level, cultural and historical contexts influence the selection of event subdomains. At the meso level, cognitive reference points shape portrayals of international diplomacy. At the micro level, rhetorical strategies, especially metaphorical language, reveal media knowledge structures and emotional responses. The study highlights the media's dual role in reinforcing shared humanistic values and exposing geopolitical rivalries. Findings indicate the Olympics as a global stage for uniting cultures through common values and manifesting political and ideological differences, with varying narratives reflecting each outlet's cultural and political context. The study underscores the importance of cross-cultural media literacy to develop a critically aware public and contributes to international media studies, cognitive linguistics, and communication by providing a comprehensive model for analyzing media narratives and encouraging further research into global media events.

When referring to the terrorist group known as “Boko Haram,” observers are broadly pointing to a violent, Salafist-jihadist group (in its various incarnations and often encompassing its offshoots) based in northeastern Nigeria, which seeks to establish a caliphate ruled by sharia law in northeastern Nigeria and its environs. The group that served as its predecessor was founded in 2002 in Maiduguri, Nigeria, by Mohammed Yusuf, and was named “Jama’atu Ahil as-Sunna li ad-Da’wa wa al-Jihad,” or “People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad” (JAS). By the time that the group became violent in 2009—also the year that Yusuf died and the group was taken over by Abubakar Shekau—observers had begun to refer to the group as “Boko Haram,” broadly meaning “Western education is sinful” or “forbidden.” Even after the group pledged allegiance to the Islamic State and became the Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP) in March 2015, and later faced the breakaway of a splinter group in 2016, observers have still referred to these iterations as “Boko Haram.” In other words, this article, which is ostensibly about “Boko Haram,” is more generally about the various incarnations of the above-referenced group, the nature of its violence, its cycles of leadership, its shifting global and regional affiliations, and the offshoot groups which it has engendered, all of which continue to be referred to by more casual observers as “Boko Haram,” even though none of the above iterations of the group referred to themselves as such, at least formally. While this article is one that seeks to provide an overview of the best literature available on the emergence, evolution, and current activities of the “Boko Haram” phenomenon, given the multi- and interdisciplinary study of the group—most commonly undertaken by scholars of political science, history, religion, and conflict and security—there is no singular, unifying intellectual framework by which to study the group. Instead, writings on Boko Haram have occurred across disciplines, and as we articulate in the subsections below, have been defined by two general approaches. On one hand, scholars of Boko Haram have often written comprehensive histories of the group, attempting to understand the organization writ large, while on the other, others have written about particular facets of the group relating to Boko Haram’s emergence, ideology, patterns of violence, treatment of gender and age, and interactions with global jihadist organizations, and impact on communities in which it operates. In the pages below, we detail what we view to be the most rigorous pieces written to date in each of these two broad categories, keeping in mind that given space restrictions, we were not able to include sections on every facet of the Boko Haram insurgency.

There is a tendency to describe Boko Haram as a domestic terrorist group. While this may have been true in the origin and early phase of its evolution and whereas its seat of power is located in the northeast of Nigeria, it is beyond doubt now that Boko Haram is an international terrorist group. In this chapter, I argue that it is no longer relevant to maintain the ‘domestic terrorism’ and ‘international terrorism dichotomy’ with reference to Boko Haram. I argue that Boko Haram possesses the international characteristics and meets the criteria to qualify as an international terrorist group, and maintaining such distinction does not contribute to our understanding and legal response to Boko Haram as a terrorist group. This chapter concludes by highlighting the impending ‘apocalypse’ objective of global jihadists and proposes areas for future research to deepen our understanding and response to the growing threat of terrorism in Africa in general and in West Africa in particular.

What drives international news coverage of contentious events? While research on news media has predominantly focused on local and national coverage, we know less about how their coverage differs from international newswires. The authors compare event reporting for protests, strikes, and disruption across two contentious events datasets— The World Handbook of Political Indicators IV ( WHIV ) and the Documentation and Analysis of Protest Events in the Federal Republic of Germany ( PRODAT )—that cover Germany 1991–2002 to understand how international media make these choices. They were more likely to cover contentious events when these received front-page national newspaper coverage or were tied to prominent events (e.g., national elections). International media covered contentious events more often when it was simultaneously reporting about more routine politics events. Further, Granger-causality models show that increased international coverage led to future international newswire attention, pointing to a news cascade. The findings suggest that domestic and international news routines overlap, but international news media routines focus more on prominence. This supports three different ideas about the relationship between national and international news: a “mirroring” process informed by signals of prominence; distinctive news markets; and contentiousness that gains media access via size, disruptiveness, or arrests.