The article notes that American climate policy, starting from the end of the 20th century. is characterized by cyclicality, which is caused by the opposition of republican and democratic party forces. In the opinion of the author, the greatest contrast appeared during the presidency of D. Trump, whose climate policy was a departure from the political priorities and goals of the previous administration of B. Obama. While President Obama's environmental agenda prioritized reducing carbon emissions through the use of renewable energy to preserve the environment for future generations, the Trump administration's policies envisioned achieving US energy independence based on the use of fossil fuels, for which many environmental regulations were repealed . Trump's climate policy has been defined by denying the consensus of the majority of scientists that climate change is caused by anthropogenic factors and will have catastrophic consequences, and that carbon dioxide is the main driver of climate change, and the decisions made have slowed down or deprioritized climate action. After the victory of Democrat D. Biden, adaptation and mitigation of the consequences of global climate change became one of the main components of his foreign and domestic policy. The author shows that despite the different views of Republicans and Democrats regarding the goals and tools of climate policy implementation at the national and regional levels, both political forces appealed to the protection of the country's national interests.

This article explores the concept of sports diplomacy as an effective tool for enhancing national soft power and diplomatic reach, particularly for Ukraine. It examines successful models from Saudi Arabia, Australia, and the European Union. Saudi Arabia's approach demonstrates the power of using sports for global influence through significant investments and hosting international events. Australia's model highlights a government-led strategy that supports sports diplomacy, knowledge sharing and community development. The European Union's use of sports diplomacy focuses on promoting peace and cooperation among member states. For Ukraine, adapting these models offers a pathway to amplify its international voice and align sports initiatives with diplomatic goals. The article suggests that Ukraine can leverage sports diplomacy to strengthen international relationships, enhance its global presence, and promote values effectively.

The article analyzes the growing influence of the religious factor as a historical phenomenon of the return of religion to the theory and practice of international relations. The main characteristics of the temporal and spatial dynamics of the influence of the religious factor on international relations both within the framework of universal laws and the specifics of Islam are determined, and the consequences of this influence are clarified. Both general trends (transnationalization, deterritorialization, decentralization of religions) and specific features of the influence of the Islamic factor are identified and characterized. In the context of the changing nature of international actors, it is determined that at the present stage, religious systems are emerging on the world stage in the form of a system of transnational relations between states, religious enclaves within the borders of other states, individual groups and transnational religious movements that are established across national borders, forming an additional transnational system of interactions.

The article is focused on the issue of state fragility in connection with such an instrument of foreign policy as interventions. It offers a comprehensive overview of academic thought on two matters. The chronological framework is between 1992 and 2021, the year of the deployment of US forces from Afghanistan. The changes in the discourse on state fragility and intervention as a means are traced in detail. Finally, the main objectives and the content of the Global Fragility Act of 2019 and 2020 United States Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability are taken into consideration.

This article examines the real status of the veto power in the UN Security Council in the light of its use by Russia and also offers ways to resolve the stalemate that has risen due to it. After the collapse of the USSR, its place as a permanent member of the UN Security Council was taken by Russia, without going through the procedure of admission to the Organization. Such a political decision led to Russia receiving the veto power in the UN Security Council and its abuse of this power. Russian military aggression against Ukraine raised the issue of veto reform before the UN. It is necessary to recall the essence of the veto power and develop legal instruments that would help to overcome the current situation and allow the UN, especially the Security Council, to act and achieve its tasks. The purpose of the article is to answer the question of whether it is possible to remove the veto power from the Russian Federation in the UN Security Council. Based on the rules of international law the article presents various ways of solving this issue with reasons of their feasibility and the possibility of their application. The author presents and analyzes the following options: 1) recognition of the veto power as illegal, 2) restriction of the use of the veto power, and 3) making appropriate changes to the UN Charter. Also, the obligation of the Russian Federation as a member of the UN Security Council to abstain from voting on issues connected with its aggression against Ukraine is considered, in particular, Russia's presidency in the UN Security Council in April 2023, the voting procedure and abstention from voting by members of the UN Security Council and the presiding country. The author of the article also addresses the issue of Russia's exclusion from the UN or suspension of its membership based on Article 5 of the UN Charter. In this context it is considered the possibility of China's veto on voting about exclusion of Russia from the UN and the possibility of reaching a compromise in this regard. Along with that, as an option for solving the problem of Russia's veto power in the UN Security Council, the author refers to the document of the General Assembly "Permanent mandate to conduct debates of the General Assembly when the veto is imposed in the Security Council" and the procedure indicated in it to overcome the imposed veto. In the article, the author raises the issue of the possibility of creating a new organization, as it was in 1945 with the creation of the United Nations and the termination of the League of Nations. In the conclusion, the author states that currently there is no consensus on the issue of reforming the veto power without amending the UN Charter, creating a new global organization instead of the UN, or excluding Russia from the UN.

The article analyzes the historical and political aspects of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons, the history of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons, the political roots of the issue of refugees and internally displaced persons, the ancient, medieval and modern stages of the problem. In the article, the author emphasizes that the refugee phenomenon has political roots, and even emphasizes the importance of the role of historical and political elements among the causes of this problem. Therefore, the history of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons gives grounds to say that this problem is primarily a product of the system of interstate political and military relations, international political cataclysms and transnational conflict situations. The article emphasizes that the international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons in scientific sources on international relations stems from the practice of the first interstate, inter-tribal agreement. The article deals with the legal status of refugees and internally displaced persons, their return to their home countries, and even the punishment of refugees, etc. The regulation of such issues has been investigated. The article also addresses issues such as institutional measures taken in the early twentieth century for the international protection of refugees, the establishment of international organizations specializing in this field, the creation of a legal framework to ensure the international protection of refugees. At the same time, the article analyzes the formation of an improved legal framework for the adoption of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its Additional Protocol.

This article reveals the dynamics of the development of Poland’s and the Czech Republic’s IT/ITC sectors. The following groups of factors influencing the economic component of the IT/ITC sector were identified: tax policy, factors related to education, and labor force indicators. The simplified regression models were used for each group, and the influence of elements on the economic component of the efficiency of companies in the IT/ITC sector was presented separately. As a result of the weak argumentation of models for each group, the need to create unique models for each country based on a combination of different groups’ factors was proved. Based on Var models, when conducting correlation-regression analyzes, models were derived for the dependence of the economic performance indicators of the sectors of Poland and the Czech Republic on given factors.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the military capabilities of the bloc of Russian-oriented countries and the level of their influence on Russia's support for the war against Ukraine in 2024. In order to effectively identify the links and signs of military cooperation between the countries of this bloc, such research methods as the structural-functional method, comparative analysis, and content analysis are used. The theoretical basis of this work is the theory of structural realism by Kenneth Waltz. Actors of the international geopolitical arena, who have fallen under the tendency of concentration around Russia as opposed to the NATO bloc, interact not only with the totalitarian flagship of this bloc, but also with each other, which is a very alarming sign of consolidation and poses a threat to the entire democratically oriented world. The dynamics of the development of this grouping, which includes both the nuclear countries Iran, North Korea and China, as well as non-nuclear, but quite important European countries that have an influence on the decisions regarding military assistance to Ukraine in the war against the occupation forces of Russia, such as Hungary, Serbia and Slovakia.

he capital structure of nonfinancial corporations is an important determinant of their overall financial performance. In recent years, the capital structure of US nonfinancial corporations has evolved significantly, due to a number of factors, including globalization, technological change, and regulatory changes. This paper examines capital structure of US nonfinancial corporations over the last decade. Visualizing US net savings dynamics helps to explain identified alerting trends in net savings structure. Global change in trends is highlighted. It also finds that the negative net worth of the US non-financial companies sector is a concerning trend, and that it is important to address the factors that have contributed to this trend in order to strengthen the non-financial companies sector and protect the long-term health of the economy. The paper also identifies a number of general and specific trends that have influenced the formation of multinational corporation (MNC) capital structures over the last decade. It argues that the capital structure of an MNC can have a significant impact on its financial performance, and that the optimal capital structure for an MNC will vary depending on the specific circumstances of the company. However, in general, MNCs should strive to maintain a capital structure that is both financially sound and sustainable.

The article studies the main ranks and indexes of information society development in Ukraine. Program documents, adopted during The World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), became the basis for determining key components of information society: Information and communication infrastructure, capacity building, access to public domain information, security in the use of ICT, ICT applications, independence and plurality of media, research and innovations. For each component, several international indices were selected and Ukraine's position in these rankings was analyzed. Normalized indicators of ranking values of Ukraine were presented in the diagram, where Ukraine has the best position in the EU Open Data Maturity Report (ODM), and the worst result - Press Freedom Index (PFI). However, the overall score of more than 0.5 indicates a significant success of Ukraine on the way to information society.