Marriages between South Korean men and women from less affluent Asian countries have been popular since the 1990s, and commercial international marriage brokers have played an important role in the trend. This article argues that the laws and regulations governing marriage brokers, such as Marriage Brokers Business Management Act (MBBMA) and consumer protection mechanisms, have reinforced the rights of citizen-husbands and legitimized claims from the men’s movement. As a result, the state’s regulation of commercial matchmaking endorses a form of commodified intimacy and protects the rights of male client-cum-“head of the family,” despite the consequences of commodifying the personhood of migrant women and legitimizing the violence of denying their personal autonomy. Data include public documents and policies from the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, Korea Institute for Healthy Family, Korea Consumer Agency, Fair Trade Commission, and MBBMA. Analysis of these public texts reveals the legal and policy language that sanitizes and disguises unequal gender roles and discrimination against foreigners.

We investigate the antecedents of affective polarization in the American public, and focus specifically on the driving role of exposure to darker forms of campaign communication (negativity, incivility, populist rhetoric) and the intervening role of individual populist attitudes. Experimental evidence was gathered among a sample of US respondents (MTurk, N = 1,081); respondents were randomly exposed to a campaign message from a fictive candidate framed either positively or negatively, and afterwards asked to express their attitudes towards Democrats and Republicans. Results show that exposure to harsher forms of campaign negativity (character attacks associated with political incivility and populist messages) drives affective polarization upwards when compared to exposure to positive messages. We also show both a direct and moderating effect of populist attitudes: populist individuals are more likely to “like” negative campaign messages (they find them more amusing and fairer) and report higher levels of affective polarization. Furthermore, exposure to negative messages is associated with greater affective polarization particularly among respondents high in populist attitudes.

Although research on populism has gained traction as an established field of inquiry, its affective underpinnings remain a puzzle. A relatively underexplored area of study, now garnering attention, is the intricate relationship between populism and emotions. This Triple Special Issue focuses on the demand side of populist politics, delving into populist attitudes and the role emotions play in their activation. Articles in this collection address three overarching research questions, which we explore in this Introduction: What are the primary emotional drivers of populist attitudes? Which emotions are evoked in audiences by populist communication and framing? What is the significance of exploring complex emotions and moving beyond “thin ideology” in the study of emotions and populism? In this Introduction, we assess the current state of the art and highlight the contributions of our collection to ongoing theoretical and empirical debates.

Following calls for a clear analytical distinction between populism and the specific ideological projects to which it is attached, the present article examines how populist and anti-immigrant attitudes relate to feelings of fear and anger about perceived threats facing the country. It posits that, although the association of these two discrete negative emotions with anti-immigration attitudes should be related to individuals’ ideological identification and the type of threat, populist attitudes, by virtue of their ubiquitous character, should be strongly associated with feelings of anger regardless of ideology or threat type. Drawing on data from an online survey in Spain, I find that anti-immigration attitudes are associated with anger among right-wing individuals and with fear among those on the center and the left, and more strongly associated with emotions linked to cultural threats. By contrast, results indicate that populist attitudes go hand in hand with feelings of anger across ideological groups and type of threat.

Asian American women, who make up a growing proportion of the workforce, face unique intersectional forms of workplace discrimination and bias based on being both a racial and gender minority. In this review, we take an intersectional approach, applying social psychological research on gendered race theory and Wong and McCullough’s Intersectional Prototypicality Model, to document as well as explain how race and gender concomitantly inform the challenges and barriers Asian American women face in the workplace. Specifically, we review evidence that the category “Asian” is frequently associated with femininity, and that this in turn leads Asian American women to be viewed as hyper-prototypical or hypo-prototypical given the context of their work. We describe how this alignment or misalignment explains Asian American women’s workplace experiences across multiple domains including hiring, promotion, negotiation, and workplace harassment. By explicitly considering the intersection of race and gender, we conclude by articulating novel solutions and implications for creating better workplace environments for Asian American women.

Behavioral science demands skillful experimentation and high-quality data that are typically gathered in person. However, the COVID-19 pandemic forced many behavioral research laboratories to close. Thankfully, new tools for conducting online experiments allow researchers to elicit psychological responses and gather behavioral data with unprecedented precision. It is now possible to quickly conduct large-scale high-quality behavioral experiments online, even for studies designed to generate data necessary for complex computational models. However, these techniques require new skills that might be unfamiliar to behavioral researchers who are more familiar with laboratory-based experimentation. We present a detailed tutorial introducing an end-to-end build of an online experimental pipeline and corresponding data analysis. We provide an example study investigating people’s media preferences using drift-diffusion modeling (DDM), paying particular attention to potential issues that come with online behavioral experimentation. This tutorial includes sample data and code for conducting and analyzing DDM data gathered in an online experiment, thereby mitigating the extent to which researchers must reinvent the wheel.

Planning and designing a study that links content analysis and panel data is a complex endeavor and managing a collaborative research project across multiple organizations involves many hurdles and challenges. Both, the complexity of a linkage design and the challenging nature of a collaborative research project are enhanced by the COVID-19 pandemic, demanding creative solutions for many issues and a lot of planning by the researchers involved. Especially the challenges involved in gathering, storing, analyzing, and accessing data are amplified by the lack of face-to-face contact and standardized technical infrastructure for digital collaborative research projects. This article aims at giving an overview of the technical infrastructure involved in the content analysis part of a large-scale linkage study, providing researchers with a blueprint of the many moving parts involved in the study’s implementation. This overview will be discussed with a reflective eye toward the challenges encountered and solutions found in the process, the added layer of complexity of a global pandemic, and potential learnings for future projects like this.

Hong Kong (HK) is encountering a new wave of outmigration. Numerous recent surveys and news reports have been recording the escalating effects of migration. However, almost all of these are about HK’s majority group—the Chinese Hong Kongers. The city’s South Asian minorities are rarely mentioned or included in these records. This article examines South Asian minorities’ aspirations and frustration amid the continuous exodus of Hong Kongers, their views on the city’s recent migration waves due to its great social changes, and the conditions that could trigger these minorities’ (re)migration. By engaging with the literature on immigrant minorities' remigration and the expanding global South Asian diaspora, this research contributes to our understanding of the remigration of HK’s South Asian minorities—a subject heretofore glaringly understudied.

This article compares the considerations, expectations, and realizations of Hong Kongers migrating to Taiwan and Australia. Based on interviews with 22 Hong Konger migrants, we identified some key drivers for Hong Kongers who moved to Taiwan or Australia. The findings add insights into the spatial–temporal nexus of migration and extend the static push–pull model by including migrants’ changing perceptions about the sociopolitical conditions of different destinations. In addition to offering a more nuanced understanding of migrants’ perceptions of and adaptations to the sociopolitical environment of the host society, we highlight that, after moving to Taiwan or Australia, Hong Kong migrants experience a gap between what they imagined at the time of migrating and the reality (political, social, and/or cultural). The imagination of the sociopolitical community in the destination countries before they leave and the gap between pre- and post-migration experiences constitute the “unsettling” characteristic of the recent Hong Kong exodus after 2019.

Based on research in the United Nations high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR) archives in Geneva, this article aims to reflect, through an examination of UNHCR’s huge operation during the Bosnian war, on the major role played by the crisis paradigm in conflict management and related population movements, and on the construction and conceptualization over time of long-term forms of migration management. It analyses how the notion of “preventive protection” which emerges in the early 1990s illustrates a shift in the asylum regime, which concerns altogether the categories of its beneficiaries, the spaces, and the very nature of its application. The focus on humanitarian operations taking place as close as possible to the areas from which refugees are coming is at the origin of new patterns of emergency management which intend to contain and eventually hinder massive refugee flows and migration. This new approach of refugees flow was experimented during the Bosnian war; the UNHCR reflected on this experience and its learnings to build up long-term strategies for managing migration in a context of increased States’ hostility to the permanent welcoming of refugees. The continuity between wartime and peacetime for experimenting and enforcing new modes of migration management is emphasized, in order to show that the importance of the crisis paradigm symbolized by open conflicts and wars is thereafter used as a tool to manage migration flows in ordinary times.