Abstract Climate‐protective behaviors (CPBs) aim to reduce one's carbon footprint and to engage others in climate saving. Under the late Pope Francis's leadership (2013–2025), the Catholic Church, to which most Italians belong, paid increasing attention to the planetary crisis and advocated for lifestyle changes to protect the climate. Drawing from a survey of a representative sample of Italian citizens, we checked if religiosity, which research connects to altruistic predispositions predicting prosocial behavior, impacts the intention to adopt CPB. We find modest variance, indicating that older respondents, women, working people, the highly educated, non‐believers, and politically interested individuals are more willing to adopt behavioral changes. Religiosity is significantly and positively associated only with some climate‐friendly behaviors: the willingness to buy sustainable clothing, to mobilize others, to invest in sustainable funds, and to avoid air travel. Political determinants are stronger predictors of intended climate activism and reduced red meat consumption.

Abstract Increases in support for the Make America Great Again (MAGA) political movement and decreases in support for Black Lives Matter (BLM) colloquially fluctuate with media coverage that downplayed MAGA violence while overcovering BLM violence. This experiment investigates how exposure to media portrayals of political violence (i.e. violent and destructive protesting) impacts political support among both real‐world contexts. In Experiment 1, exposure to violent MAGA protests decreased MAGA support from MAGA's staunchest supporters, an effect mediated by perceptions of violent behavior and tendencies of the protestors. In Experiment 2, exposure to violent BLM protests had virtually no impact on political support and an inconclusive impact on perceptions of violent behavior and tendencies in the protestors. The asymmetric effects observed suggest differential baseline exposure to violent political content: MAGA supporters appear responsive to violent media portrayals because media exposure to violent MAGA behavior is relatively novel within conservative media streams, whereas BLM supporters’ relative lack of response is consistent with media saturation where BLM violence was exaggerated within the media. Consequently, underexposure to MAGA‐associated violence and overexposure to BLM‐associated violence may help explain recent political shifts both toward MAGA and away from BLM. More broadly, media suppression and exaggeration of political violence represent two methods for shaping political support and political power, highlighting the importance of accurate media coverage of political violence.

Abstract Despite the importance of a strong science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) workforce, the culture of STEM deters many groups, including sexual and gender minorities (SGM) from entering STEM fields (i.e., women, Latino/a, Native American, first‐generation students). Because SGM individuals’ STEM belonging and motivation are believed to follow similar psychological processes to other underrepresented groups in STEM, we examined how expectations for success in STEM, personal endorsement of masculinity/femininity and agency/communion, and the masculine (unfeminine) and agentic (uncommunal) nature of STEM are associated with STEM motivation and belonging depending on participants’ sexual and gender identities. Men expressed greater STEM belonging and motivation than women, and STEM fields were perceived as more masculine and agentic than feminine and communal. Participants’ expectations for success in STEM were positively associated with STEM belonging and motivation. Perceiving agentic and communal opportunities in STEM also positively predicted STEM belonging and motivation. For SGM individuals, perceiving feminine gender expression in STEM was associated with increased STEM belonging and motivation (particularly for SGM women). Implications for addressing the underrepresentation of SGM individuals in STEM are discussed.

Abstract While much is known about discriminatory behaviors in fields like the labor and housing markets, there is a dearth of empirical evidence on perceived acceptability of discrimination among the public. This study investigates this complex landscape by examining views on discrimination based on age, ethnicity, gender, and disability in Belgium through a web survey ( N = 3000). Through four distinct vignettes based on housing and labor scenarios, we offer a deeper understanding of society's tolerance toward discriminatory practices. Age surfaces as the most tolerated form of discrimination, highlighting deeply ingrained ageist ideologies that overshadow the value of experience and wisdom in older individuals. Conversely, gender discrimination is met with the least acceptance, reflecting ongoing struggles for gender equality. Our findings shed light on the influence of authoritarian sentiments, particularly through the lens of social dominance orientation (SDO), on the acceptance of discrimination across all vignettes. We found a significant interaction between SDO and ethnicity, with the effect of SDO on the acceptability of discrimination being more pronounced in vignettes involving ethnicity as discrimination ground. While acknowledging limitations, our research sets the stage for future exploration of the multifaceted nature of discriminatory views and the intersectional identities that shape them.

Abstract Individuals are stereotyped on the basis of their perceived identities, and there are rising concerns about ableism, ageism, and sexism in the United States. Cultural stereotypes of older adults (including older women and men) living with disability (LWD) are understudied despite their negative stigmatizations and consequences in different contexts such as in healthcare and employment. In this study, we identified and assessed these stereotypes. Students from three U.S. universities ( N = 401) listed their understanding of the stereotypes of older adults LWD, older men LWD, older women LWD, older men, older women, older adults, people LWD, men, and women. Data were analyzed using two established methodologies used in stereotyping research. Results revealed that stereotypes of older adults LWD and people LWD contained shared elements, as the top stereotypes listed for both groups were negative and many overlapped (burdensome, dependent, devalued, “handicapped,” mean, physically slow, sad, unintelligent, unproductive, and weak). Negative stereotypes of older adults LWD also included long‐standing stereotypes listed of older adults (deteriorating, sick, and mean). Gendered stereotypes also emerged for older men (financially stable and leader) and older women (nice) but stereotypes of older men LWD and older women LWD were more closely related to those of disability than of gender. Unique stereotypes also emerged, highlighting the need to consider intersectionality. Results can help inform much‐needed theoretical frameworks and prejudice reduction strategies aimed at improving attitudes toward diverse groups of older adults who may be facing poor health and discrimination due to experiences of ageism, sexism, and/or ableism.

Abstract Abortion stigma is a morally and politically divisive issue, often framed through reductive binaries that equate support for abortion with empathy and opposition with moral deficiency. This study explores how prosocial personality traits (i.e., the Light Triad), religiosity, and political ideology interact in shaping stigmatizing attitudes toward abortion. A sample of 304 participants engaged in a survey from October to November 2024, completed measures assessing abortion stigma, Light Triad traits, religiosity, and political orientation. Structural equation modeling revealed that higher Light Triad traits predicted lower abortion stigma. However, this relationship was moderated by political ideology: among conservatives, prosocial traits had a diminished—or even reversed—association with stigma. These findings challenge the notion that moral reasoning on abortion is unidimensional and highlight the role of ideological context in directing moral concern. The study underscores the need for stigma‐reduction strategies that consider not only individual empathy but also group norms and ideological commitments that shape how that empathy is expressed.

Abstract This study examines the impact of physical characteristics, specifically facial symmetry and facial width‐to‐height ratio, on the electoral success of political candidates ( N = 167) in the 2022 Czech Senate elections. These facial metrics are used as objective indicators of facial structure, offering a novel approach in the political context. Candidate data were analyzed using Poisson regression models, revealing significant associations between facial features and electoral outcomes. Higher facial symmetry was consistently linked to better electoral performance, while the effect of fWHR varied by gender, being positive for men and negative for women. These results highlight the broader implications of physical appearance in politics, suggesting that voter biases towards attractive candidates can influence election outcomes. This study contributes to the understanding of non‐political factors in electoral success.

Abstract Political language can serve as a powerful tool for mobilizing and uniting voters. The present work examines partisan differences in the use of interdependent language—language that emphasizes connection, collective goals, and cooperation—in US Congressional campaign emails during the 2024 general election. Using computerized text analysis (LIWC), we analyze over 15,000 emails from 378 Senate and House candidates to assess the prevalence of interdependent language, as measured by first‐person plural pronouns, references to affiliation, and social language. Our findings suggest that, on average, Democratic candidates employ significantly more interdependent language than their Republican counterparts. However, we observe pronounced shifts in this pattern over time, with Republicans' use of interdependent language increasing to match Democrats as Election Day approaches. Given prior evidence that framing issues in interdependent terms can foster cooperation and collective action, understanding how political candidates engage with the language of interdependence can provide insight into the rhetorical tools used to rally support and motivate political engagement.

Abstract While much research on churches and the LGBTQ+ communities has been done in North America, little research has focused on this topic in Europe. Since 71% of European LGBTQ+ respondents agreed that better acceptance by religious leaders would allow them to live more comfortably as LGBTQ+ people, we investigated the types of messages and imagery that help and hinder Swiss LGBTQ+ Christians’ feelings of acceptance within churches. We also investigated the impact this content had on the feelings of acceptance of Swiss straight Christians. We found that when LGBTQ+ Christians were presented with affirming church messages and imagery, they felt significantly more accepted. Conversely, LGBTQ+ Christians who were presented with non‐affirming church messages and imagery felt significantly less accepted. Straight Christians did not evidence significantly more or less feelings of acceptance in either condition, demonstrating affirming church messages and imagery serve as identity safety cues that help LGBTQ+ Christians the most without excluding straight Christians. In a context like Switzerland, where certain churches can be public institutions, institutional churches should consider the impact their messages and imagery have on LGBTQ+ Christians, and the broader LGBTQ+ communities, to cultivate a space of belonging for all.

Abstract Women have been enrolling in and graduating from postsecondary institutions at higher rates than men for decades. The current study advances previous work by taking an intersectional approach to researching the relationships between gender, family income, and prior family postsecondary experiences. We conducted an archival, longitudinal study using institutional data of four successive entering first year cohorts of about 5000–5300 students each between 2011 and 2014 at a large Midwestern Research 1 University, following each cohort over 4 to 6 years. Specifically, we found that, for men, Pell eligibility and first‐generation status had less positive enrollment, dropout, and graduation outcomes. Men had a higher probability of dropping out across years, while women had a higher probability of graduating across years (especially in years 4 and 5). These findings suggest challenges in meeting the essential mission for postsecondary institutions of ensuring that all students, especially those from underrepresented backgrounds, have the opportunities and support necessary to be successful.