Abstract: When parsed into their lexical components, many words of the Inuit language yield composite meanings. Bringing such underlying significations to light may be called morphosemantic analysis. Morphosemantics may make use of synchronic parsing, morphemic inference, and etymological reconstruction, or some combination of these, according to the semantic depth to be reached. The present article discusses this technique of lexical analysis, explaining its results, limits, and possible interest for Inuit speakers desirous of envisioning the full wealth of their language and culture, presenting numerous examples of underlying meanings of words, mostly in the Nunavik dialect of eastern Canadian Inuktitut.

Abstract: The first issue of International Journal of American Linguistics , appearing in July 1917, included a text in the Eastern Algonquian language Passamaquoddy, which is spoken in Maine and is closely related to the Maliseet language of New Brunswick. The text was edited by John Dyneley Prince, who was at the time the leading scholar of the Algonquian languages of New England and Maritime Canada. This text is presented here in a new edition that corrects several errors of transcription and analysis in Prince’s version. This is accompanied by comments on significant linguistic features.

Introduction Douglas R. Parks This special issue of Anthropological Linguistics contains ten articles on personal names in Native languages of North America. All but one of these articles are revised versions of papers originally presented at the special session "American Indian Personal Names: A Neglected Lexical Genre" at the annual meeting of the Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) in Portland, Oregon, on 7 January 2012.1 There is no modern, comprehensive linguistic description of American Indian naming systems. Published sources of names are primarily lists compiled by anthropologists, linguists, and historians. Even though personal names are an integral part of the languages and cultures of Native peoples, linguists usually do not document names for the languages they study: they do not utilize names as data for their grammars, and they generally do not include names in their dictionaries. The purpose of the special session was to bring together a group of Americanist linguists who have an interest in personal names in the languages they study; contributions were selected to represent the diversity of naming systems found in Native North American language families and to enable the participants to identify major issues in the study of names. The resulting articles describe the salient linguistic and semantic features of the names in these languages, illustrating how names are important semantic and grammatical domains in Native American languages, forming systems within the larger linguistic context, and why their study is essential for language documentation—for morphological and syntactic analysis, and for the compilation of richer dictionaries. They also illustrate how for most North American groups, rich archival corpora of names are available that have rarely been utilized by linguists and exemplify the methods and challenges of studying them. Even though personal names are a relatively neglected subject in North American linguistics and anthropology, significant work has been done over the years; some of the more noteworthy contributions may be mentioned here. The earliest linguist to give notable attention to personal names on the Plains was James Owen Dorsey, who beginning in 1871 devoted more than twenty years to documenting the Dhegiha and other Siouan languages. He recorded hundreds of personal names for each, but he published only one article, "Indian Personal Names" (1890). Although he planned to write a monograph on Siouan personal names, he died before completing it. Today his manuscripts are archived primarily in the National Anthropological Archives. [End Page 1] Other early linguists working on the Plains included C. C. Uhlenbeck; he published "Geslachts- en Persoonsnamen der Peigans" (1912), in which he cites the names of Piegan bands and a representative number of individuals' personal names, and discusses the historical incidents upon which the names were based. Edward Sapir (1924) compiled a list of ninety-four Sarsi names that he published in phonetic transcription, together with literal and free English translations, and then grouped into seven semantic categories: geographical references, tribal names, war names, names referring to horses and riding, names based on incidents or objects, and names referring to personal characteristics. Later in the century, James A. Goss (1973) reported on his attempt to develop a model for the naming practices of the Southern Ute Indians of Colorado that would enable him to predict, on the basis of a set of binary features, the sex, age, kin affiliations, and shamanistic powers from a name itself. Throughout the early twentieth century a small number of linguists and anthropologists who engaged in fieldwork with particular groups recorded lists of names, some of which were published, while others remain unpublished. For example, in the Southwest, the Franciscan Fathers at St. Michael's Mission on the Navajo Reservation documented various aspects of the language. In 1910, they published An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language, an innovative linguistic work in which the entries have English head words arranged according to a vast array of cultural topics and activities as well as natural phenomena. Among them is a long entry entitled "Personal Names" that identifies seven categories of names: for boys, for girls, and for women; for men; for distinguished chiefs, treaty signers, and American residents; and tribal names. N. H. Winchell published in The Aborigines of...

Coast Salishan traditional names typically have no English translation. There are a limited number, and each is considered private property passed down through a system involving the interaction of families and generations. Focusing on names in one Coast Salishan language, Klallam, we find that names have phonological features (limited inventory of phonemes and limited syllable structure), morphological features (lack of any inflection or derivation), and syntactic features (special determiner use) that make them a distinct category.

Kaska personal names are important symbols of identity that draw on diverse cultural practices and beliefs, including an extensive history of interaction with Tlingits. Kaska personal names in the Hudson's Bay Company records reveal continuity between historical and contemporary naming practices and provide evidence that Kaskas were living in their present territories in the early 1840s. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, traders, miners, and missionaries imposed their own naming systems, but Kaskas have continued to maintain a separate Indigenous naming system.

This article describes a previously unknown set of ordinal numbers in Menominee, originally recorded in the mid-nineteenth century by the missionary Antoine-Marie Gachet. The numbers are complex, and follow two broad (but related) patterns. Both appear to be participial forms of verbs of quantity, functioning as headless relative clauses. The article provides an analysis of all elements of the ordinal numbers, and because one of the goals of the article is to contribute to Menominee language revitalization, suggests reconstructions for the missing forms.

Reviewed by: The Language Warrior's Manifesto: How to Keep Our Languages Alive No Matter the Odds by Anton Treuer Mark Turin The Language Warrior's Manifesto: How to Keep Our Languages Alive No Matter the Odds. Anton Treuer. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2020. Pp. 208. $18.95 (paper). "Language loss is self-perpetuating. All that's necessary for most languages to die is for us to do too little or nothing" (p. 44), writes Anton Treuer, in what is perhaps his most personal book to date. Equal parts motivational self-help guide for language workers and gripping narrative of his own language-learning journey to reclaim Ojibwe, the title of Treuer's monograph is well-chosen. The book does exactly what it says it will do on the cover. Lucid and refreshingly free of footnotes and jargon, Treuer opens the book by situating language as integral to all aspects of culture and well-being. The first chapter answers many of the implicit and prejudiced questions that continue to be asked about the value of Indigenous languages in the modern world. In the following chapters, Treuer goes on to identify the many challenges to successful language revitalization and outlines his own journey into this work. Finally, in a colossal ninety-page chapter, Treuer widens the frame to discuss effective strategies for community-based language reclamation in North America and beyond. The structure of the book is part of its message, a convincing narrative arc from why we should care to what we can do about it and how we can do it. After decades of work and thousands of miles driving back and forth between elders and cultural gatherings, Treuer is proud to describe himself as a fluent speaker of Ojibwe. This is no small achievement, all the more noteworthy because the author did not grow up with the language: he and his mother's family were severed from it through the compounded violence of colonization and dispossession (cf. Pine and Turin 2017). "Language revitalization is nothing short of a pathway to liberation. When we shake off the yoke of colonization, we no longer have to be defined by that history. We don't become decolonized. We become liberated–unconquered" (p. 168), writes Treuer, in a particularly powerful section in this memorable book. Now an accomplished professor at Bemidji State University in Minnesota and the author of nineteen books, Treuer has spent much of his career reclaiming Ojibwe–his linguistic birthright. Treuer's story, while not unique, is both motivational and grounded. He takes the time to recognize others, naming and uplifting all of his teachers, past and present. While noting the important "upswell" (p. 4) in language work elsewhere, Treuer also does not shy away from hard facts. There are no quick fixes, and no silver bullets to bringing a language back: language revitalization requires focus, commitment, dedication, consultation, and years of hard work. "We cannot wish our languages back to health. We cannot teach them if we don't first learn them. We cannot lead in their revitalization from the sidelines," he writes (p. 12). In this, Treuer is very much in the Darryl Kipp school of language revitalization that encourages "activists to show rather than tell the importance of language" (p. 167). The late and greatly missed Darryl Kipp–whom Treuer acknowledges and references–was a Blackfoot language teacher and served as founding director of the Piegan Institute. His unvarnished descriptions of the dual complexity and urgency of language revitalization continue to have great currency in the field. Treuer is a deep well of good counsel and pedagogically informed positions for those looking to develop successful language programs. On financing, a perpetual struggle for [End Page 414] many Indigenous language programs, Treuer soberly reminds us that "people fund strength, not need" (p. 152). Retransmission is key to success: "take everything you learn and teach it to at least four other people" (p. 116). While monolingual and immersive language learning opportunities can create new speakers, Treuer is dismissive of bilingual programming, noting that everyone "knows English too well. It's like pouring dye into a pitcher of water. You just can't get it...

Editor's Note John A. Erickson It is with great sadness that I report that Anthropological Linguistics has lost two valued members of our publishing team at Indiana University over the past year–first, Raymond J. DeMallie, an associate board member, emeritus professor in the Department of Anthropology, and former co-director of the American Indian Studies Research Institute, who passed away in April 2021, and then, shortly afterwards, our editor, Douglas R. Parks, also emeritus professor in the Department of Anthropology and former co-director of the Institute, who passed away in May 2021. While not unexpected, their deaths have been a profound loss to their fields of research and to the publication of studies on Native American languages and cultures. Having taken on the editorship of Anthropological Linguistics in the early 1990s, Doug was committed to reinvigorating the mission of the journal originally established by Florence ("Flo") Voegelin in 1959, by publishing studies of endangered and poorly documented languages from around the world, and especially research on Native American languages and cultures. It was shortly thereafter that he hired me to work on his own Native American language projects after I had returned from a year and half of fieldwork overseas as a graduate student in Central Asia. Before long, Doug then hired me as managing editor of the journal, a role in which I have continued to this day, while also finishing my Ph.D. and pursuing my own research interests at Indiana University. It is thus with mixed feelings of sadness and renewed commitment that I have agreed to take on the role of acting editor-in-chief at Anthropological Linguistics pending the appointment of a new editor. Hence, the mission continues, while the memories that remain will be shared in obituaries for both Doug and Ray in forthcoming issues. [End Page 1] John A. Erickson Acting Editor-in-Chief Copyright © 2021 Trustees of Indiana University

This article analyzes how khipus, Andean knotted cords for communication, indicated their subject matter. Spanish chroniclers attested to the existence of different genres of khipus; however, scholars have not known how or if khipus indicated the genre of data they stored. Ethnographic testimony reveals that needlework bundles—kaytes—attached to primary cords served as subject indicators. This article surveys post-Inka kaytes, examining one from colonial Huarochirí through an interdisciplinary methodology that provides a model for kayte interpretation. This new evidence about subject indicators supports the hypothesis that khipus encoded information through hierarchical levels of significance, and furthers decipherment.