ABSTRACT The aim of this study was to examine public perceptions of peacekeeping operations (PKOs) conducted by China and Kazakhstan against the backdrop of geopolitical transformations. To investigate the topic effectively, the application of terminological, hermeneutic, comparative, and historical methods was essential. The study elucidates the nature of peacekeeping activities, particularly within the framework of the United Nations (UN), analyses the evolution of the UN’s peacekeeping efforts, and examines the guiding principles and foundational legal instruments underpinning these operations. Furthermore, the essence and characteristics of geopolitical transformations are explored, with a focus on the experiences of China and Kazakhstan as states undergoing large-scale changes, alongside an assessment of public perceptions of peacekeeping in each country. A key finding of this research, based on the analysis of secondary sources, is that public perception of a state’s peacekeeping policy plays a decisive role in its efficacy and reflects broader societal attitudes toward state policy. The practical significance of the study lies in its potential utility for governmental bodies and analytical centres in refining approaches to peacekeeping policy formulation.

ABSTRACT This study deconstructs the trajectory of post-Soviet states’ integration into the EAEU by analyzing its institutional architecture, economic imperatives, and structural contradictions to elucidate the interplay between supranational aspirations and national sovereignty. The study employs a comparative institutional analysis, examining the divergence between legal codification and functional effectiveness; historical institutionalism, identifying cyclical recalibrations of integration trajectories in response to exogenous constraints; and mixed-method modelling, which integrates panel regression models—quantifying trade flexibilities and fiscal redistributions—with content analysis—deciphering inconsistencies in integration agreements and regulatory frameworks. The findings reveal systemic asymmetries: Russia accounts for 86% of the EAEU's GDP, dictating macroeconomic parameters, while Kazakhstan's export diversification—42% directed toward non-EAEU markets—signals centrifugal tendencies, illustrating the constraints of market unification (intra-bloc trade increased by 35.5% between 2015 and 2019 but declined to $77.3 billion in 2023, highlighting structural volatility). The study provides a foundation for restructuring Eurasian integration policy—addressing investment asymmetry (Russia's 80% dominance in intra-union FDI hampers balanced industrialization), enhancing regulatory coherence (discrepancies between national and EAEU trade policies sustain re-export arbitrage rather than structural convergence), and mitigating external dependence (China's growing economic gravitational pull—$22 billion in FDI to Kazakhstan—undermines EAEU cohesion).

ABSTRACT The contemporary geopolitical landscape has transformed regional dynamics, urging Central Asian countries to refine their strategies for regionalisation and integration. The purpose of the study is to investigate possible options and risks of regional interaction of Central Asian states by considering aspects of their cooperation in the political and economic sphere. The methodological framework of this study is grounded in a combination of empirical research, quantitative analysis, and comparative methods, supplemented by historical and system analysis. The study adopts a constructivist paradigm, viewing regionalisation as a socially constructed process shaped by historical, political, and economic interactions. The theoretical foundation integrates regionalism theory, which explains the dynamics of intraregional cooperation, and neofunctionalism theory, which highlights the role of economic interdependence in fostering political integration. The current state of interstate regional cooperation of the Central Asian countries was reviewed; it was determined that the overall indicator of their involvement in joint political and economic initiatives is steadily increasing every year. It was revealed that the most promising areas of cooperation between the states are the political, financial, energy spheres, and cultural and tourist destinations.

ABSTRACT This paper examines the role and prospects of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in India’s foreign policy, especially in relation to its founders and key members—China, Russia, and the CARs (Central Asian Republics). It analyses the evolution of the SCO as a regional grouping that has expanded in size, scope, and geopolitical influence, and how its member states use it to pursue their respective interests and agendas from a predominantly Indian perspective. Further, the article focuses on the challenges and opportunities that India faces as a young member of the SCO, and how it may balance its relations with a domineering China, and steadfast ally Russia, as well as enhance its strategic connectivity and cooperation with Central Asia. The article concludes with the implications of the SCO’s enlargement and diversification for the regional and global order, and how India may aspire to leverage its participation in it to advance its strategic foothold in Eurasia.

ABSTRACT This article examines Iran's internal identity conflicts and its strategy to expand Shia influence in the Middle East. Iran's growing confidence in its regional power stems from its perceived victory in the prolonged confrontation with the United States and the belief that its constructive role will soon gain recognition. However, Iran faces internal ideological rifts as the younger generation challenges the conservative regime, exemplified by recent hijab protests. Simultaneously, Iran has been fostering Shia militant groups in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen to project its influence and engage in shadow warfare against Israel and Saudi Arabia. The escalating Iran-Israel conflict and Iran's involvement in the Syrian civil war highlight its geopolitical maneuvers. The study argues that there is an interplay between Iran's internal politicized identity crises and its external power projection, as the regime seeks to consolidate its legitimacy by emphasizing anti-Western and anti-Israeli sentiments. However, this strategy faces a dilemma, as resources allocated to suppressing domestic dissent and maintaining regional influence may further strain Iran's economy and exacerbate internal instability. The changing regional dynamics, such as the U.S.—Iran nuclear deal and the Arab-Israeli normalization, also pose challenges to Iran's strategic calculus.

ABSTRACT This article explores the deepening of affective polarization in rural Indonesia after the Village Law. The 2014 Village Law was envisioned as an essential way for promoting rural decentralization to fostering collaborative governance. Nevertheless, this article finds that there has been a deepening of polarization in rural communities after Village Law. Through an everyday political approach, the study employs qualitative research to provide a more tangible picture of the depth of polarization. This article examines three ways of affective polarization in rural communities: intense political competition, disaggregated voting patterns, and selective handing out of government benefits. We conclude that the dynamics of the village head election, built on ethnic and religious lines, generate an intense political competition and segregated voting patterns. Furthermore, affective polarization ultimately affects the selective distribution of government benefits. This article offers new insights into the aftermath of the Village Law dynamics from village head elections to village governance, focusing on how polarization in rural Indonesia is deepening.

ABSTRACT In 2019, the Indian government revoked Article 370 of its Constitution that accorded special status to Jammu and Kashmir – a state within India and the subject of dispute between India and Pakistan. It became a political hot potato, with both the Indian and foreign media vigorously covering it for months – quite often, exhibiting conflicting views. While the Indian mainstream media are proximal to the political establishment and – thanks to their habitual coverage of the decades-old Kashmir conflict – have an outstretched understanding of political players and diverse discourses, the geographical distance of foreign media could embolden an unschooled standpoint affording political-ideological variations. To examine the relevance of political distance and differences in media narratives, a content analysis was performed on 162 news articles, using five factors – sources, topics, tone, literary-rhetorical devices and frames. Study results indicate that geopolitical distance inspirits populist reportage characterized by an anti-establishment view and advocacy of rights and privileges of the people, with statistical differences exhibited in terms of topic and source selection (filtering through gatekeeping) and employment of frames and devices (as a part of wider discourses). While the Indian media was more pro-abrogation to preserve national interests, the foreign media substantially defended protest and violence.

ABSTRACT This paper analyzes Kazakh-European trade and economic relations from 2012 to 2021, aiming to elucidate the dynamics, trends, and strategic implications of these bilateral interactions. The primary purpose of this research is to scrutinize the dynamics of Kazakhstan's trade and economic interactions with European countries, assessing the trends, challenges, and opportunities within this framework. Employing a methodology that combines analysis and synthesis, inductive and deductive reasoning, and statistical methods including ABC analysis in MS Excel, the study provides a comprehensive examination of Kazakhstan's trade volumes, exports, imports, and foreign direct investments with European countries. It was revealed that for the countries of Europe, the indicators of the volume of trade, exports, and imports, gross investments showed a greater drop than in the economy. Summarized information characterizing the institutional aspect of the formation of relations between Kazakhstan and European states highlights Kazakhstan's active participation in international organizations as a key driver in developing these relationships. The findings offer valuable insights for policymakers and business stakeholders, highlighting the need for strategic approaches in optimizing trade and investment relations between Kazakhstan and Europe.

ABSTRACT Indonesia plays a role in Southeast Asia as a norm entrepreneur for democracy, not Western liberal democracy, but homegrown democracy that resonates with Asian values. This article explores Indonesia’s democratic norms that it promotes, which is homegrown democracy. It explains the mechanism of Indonesia’s norm entrepreneur activity to promote democracy in ASEAN. Democracy norms have been institutionalized in ASEAN and authoritarian governments in some Southeast Asian countries because the accepted democratic values are the homegrown democracies promoted by Indonesia. This article argues that Indonesia as a democracy norm entrepreneur achieves this through a homegrown democracy frame that resonates with Asian values. It institutionalizes democracy in ASEAN and keeps the socializing process using the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) that emphasizes dialogue and inclusiveness as a socialization strategy. Indonesia which promotes homegrown democracy in Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific asserts Indonesia as a persistent democracy norm entrepreneur.

ABSTRACT Over the past three decades, terrorism has directly threatened China's national security and has played a key role in its foreign policy. The nature of terrorism in China is changing, as is the Chinese government's response to the threat. Despite the issue's importance, there is still little knowledge about the changing face of terrorism in China. Thus, this study fills the gap in the literature on this subject by reviewing the terrorism threat against China after the Cold War from 1989 through 2020, based on the global terrorism database. The study's main findings reveal that China is not a significant target of terrorism when compared to other powers. Terrorism in China is domestic and concentrated in four specific districts, chiefly caused by the Uyghurs Uprising. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the BRI did not cause a dramatic increase in terrorist attacks against Chinese citizens outside China.