Abstract: The Industrial Park-Port projects represent a novel strategy by China to establish its presence in the Arab world and Africa, areas actively involved in the flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This research unveils how industrial park-port complexes actually operate on the ground, and how specific sub-state actors, such as Chinese companies, affect their implementation and dynamics. Leveraging the insights from 'slogan politics' and the concept of asymmetric interdependence, we argue that Chinese state-owned firms have been proactive in leveraging the BRI framework to pursue their own commercial interests. Through a scrutiny of transnational legal disputes, such as those involving the fiberglass trade in the China-Egypt TEDA Suez Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone, and the disagreement over Doraleh port construction between China and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), our study finds that the Chinese transnational enterprises are capable of exploiting different regulations between states on a global scale to their own advantage. This may not only override China's national considerations but also give rise to international legal disputes that negatively affect China's diplomatic interests and image within the BRI framework.

Abstract: Türkiye has been pursuing a more multifaceted and multilayered foreign policy pattern since the end of the Cold War period. However, the classical multilateralism/regionalism perspective does not provide a sufficient theoretical framework for this multifaceted and multilayered foreign policy agenda. Different from this, transregionalism, and particularly a new concept that we propose, quasi-transregionalism, with its fewer demands for institutionalism and rigid rules for interactions, presents itself as a more adequate framework for understanding Türkiye’s international agenda, which represents distinctive features from its Cold War-era outlook. Within these more context-related and less institutional relationships, Türkiye aims to diversify its foreign policy partners by focusing outside of its traditional foreign policy circles, such as Southeast Asia, not only through inter-state relations but also via non-state agencies. Although Southeast Asia and Türkiye have relations dating back centuries, we can employ the lens of quasi-transregionalism to understand recent interactions, which are vibrant and high in volume. These are humanitarian aid and education diplomacy between Türkiye and Southeast Asia. In this study we aim to explore the dynamics of the multilayered and multifaceted nexus between Türkiye and Southeast Asia, focusing on the vibrant character of these two regions while integrating initiatives from both state and non-state actors. We argue that quasi-transregionalism, with flexibility to accommodate diverse types of relations across various layers and actors, offers a valuable framework for understanding Türkiye’s eclectic model, which combines both state and non-state actors in its approach to education diplomacy and humanitarian aid toward Southeast Asia.

Abstract: The geography of Vietnam’s Mekong Delta makes it highly susceptible to the effects of climate change, which are believed to worsen in the coming decades. The country’s adaptation policies and national discourses have primarily focused on engineering solutions like dykes, seawalls, and sluices. Although investments have bolstered infrastructure development and agriculture productivity, research indicates that these policies have led to a heavily modified and engineered delta, raising concerns about environmental sustainability and social equity. Through a policy analysis of Ca Mau Province, we provide insights into the dynamic adaptation policy and the political forces that supported reinforcing dykes and other defensive mechanisms rather than nature-based measures, which could arguably be more effective. The article explains how the politics of climate adaptation results from the dynamic, multi-level, and multi-actor governance landscape of climate change in Vietnam, as well as how the preference for built structures negatively impacts local ecosystems and livelihoods.

Abstract: The Russian invasion of Ukraine created shock waves throughout Central Asia. This article examines the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war on the position of Russia and China in the region. I argue that the repercussions of the war have paradoxically acted both to strengthen and to weaken the ties of Russia to Central Asia. The war has, albeit to varying degrees, served to benefit the Central Asian states in the economic realm, while simultaneously eroding the extent of trust and general level of affirmation previously accorded to Russia. The Chinese political leadership has looked upon the emerging consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war as an opportunity to strengthen its ties with the Central Asian political elites, who have become increasingly receptive to China as a means of distancing themselves from Russia.

Abstract: At the turn of the millennium, Western scholars heatedly debated the impact of China's rise on US-China relations and the wider great power relations. On the one hand, optimists, including economic liberals, democratic peace liberals, institutional liberals, constructivists, and defensive realists, advanced an optimistic view, arguing that US-China relations would be productive and peaceful. On the other hand, pessimists, including power transition realists and offensive realists, advanced a pessimistic view, arguing for a growing US-China rivalry, with the former anticipating a great power war and the latter predicting an intense great power competition. By reviewing these perspectives against the changing patterns of US-China relations from the 2000s to the present, this study reflects the relative importance of system-level forces vis-à-vis unit-level forces in accounting for the dynamics of great power relations.