Ornela Carboni*

The permanent campaign states that the electoral campaign does not end on the day the elections are held, but rather continues during the administration: every day is an election. Although this notion began to take shape in the field of political marketing in the late 1960s and crystallized in the 1980s, the permanent campaign is still in force. \n \nThis work proposes a reconceptualization of the permanent campaign to adapt it to the exercise of political communication today. It is defined as a communication style that overlaps features of electoral communication on government communication. \n \nBased on this concept and the theoretical input, I elaborated a tool that took the form of a matrix of analysis that works as an explanatory support for the characteristics of the permanent campaign and allows it to be identified in communicative acts of current governments. As a first instance of empirical validation of the matrix, a corpus of 72 examples of each of its postulates was built. \n \nFrom the theoretical analysis and the result of the exemplification of the matrix, it is concluded that the permanent campaign, as defined here, is currently happening. Its most outstanding feature, due to the frequency with which it is found, is hyperpersonalization and occurs with ideological pluralism, since examples of both left-wing and right-wing governments have been identified. \n \nThe matrix is an original and preliminary construction since it is expected that future research on the topic can expand the categories of analysis to achieve greater depth in the results of its application.

contempornea, cuyo objetivo va mucho ms all del de repasar las claves de la cultura transmedia aportadas por la obra de Henry Jenkins, autor con el que frecuentemente se identifica la conceptualizacin del transmedia, para realizar una recontextualizacin profunda de la alfabetizacin en

The emergence of Radio Marca in the Spanish radio landscape, at the beginning of the 21st century, was an event. It was the first radio station in the country to specialize in sports. The company history of this outlet is linked to the initiatives of the Recoletos group.Radio Marca started out in a context in which communications media in Spain were adapting to the new reality brought about by digital technology. It was conceived for digital radio transmission (or DAB, by its Spanish acronym). However, this system was hardly used in Spain, so the project was steered towards an FM system.This article presents the results of thirteen in-depth interviews with the leaders, professionals, and managers who kicked off the project. It also uses bibliographic sources, including the document with which the Recoletos group applied for the DAB broadcast license.  Our study concludes that Recoletos sports director Manuel Saucedo was key to the horizontal growth of the group. Radio Marca was a gamble from Recoletos, which sought to expand its influence in the sports news market. For that, a pioneering project was begun in Spain, with the aim of creating a radio station specialized in sports news. 

The term “post-truth” has gained traction in the past few years, thanks to a contentious technological context, the spread of fake news, and the distortion of truth on the internet. The concept gained notoriety in 2016, when Oxford Dictionaries chose it as their word of the year, referring to “post-truth” as an adjective “relating to or denoting circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief.” However, this phenomenon is nothing new, a fact that led us to a more complex problem with “post-truth.” This article carries out a bibliographic revision of Edgar Morin’s concept of complexity and the principles of the technological paradigm outlined by Castells. We open a dialogue between these two perspectives in order to debate about “post-truth” from the epistemological perspective of infocommunication. Throughout this essay, we reflect on how “post-truth” cannot be applied to science and, thus, to investigations in the field of infocommunication.  

Murray Schafer, el musicólogo canadiense que acuñó el concepto de “paisaje sonoro” (soundscape), solía lamentarse porque desde la Revolución Industrial hasta nuestros días la polución acústica había crecido varios decibelios. Pero su queja no consideraba únicamente el volumen de la sonoridad ambiente, sino también la calidad de aquello que la materia sonora, especialmente la mediática, ponía a disposición de las personas. Schafer era un humanista que iba a contramano de la producción comercial hegemónica en la radiodifusión americana, desde Alaska hasta Tierra del Fuego. Y solo a alguien así podía ocurrírsele requerirles a las radios que dedicaran un espacio de sus programaciones al crepúsculo o al solsticio de invierno. Detrás de su reclamo, expresado durante una exposición en la Bienal Internacional de Radio en 2006 en la ciudad de México, estaba la convicción de que resulta imprescindible gestar propuestas que nos revinculen con la naturaleza y nos fortalezcan espiritual e imaginativamente. 

Our objective is to address how three Argentine Catholic magazines Cabildo, Criterio, and Nueva Tierra represented the concept of democracy. To do this, we’ll carry out a discursive analysis from a comparative perspective. We are interested in studying the relationship between religion and politics in relation to Catholicism, which we believe is an important social player in Argentine history. In doing this, we want to recognize the political diversity of Catholic media, looking at the strategies the afore mentioned magazines employed to represent the same subject matter. Through the categories of systemic functional linguistics (SFL), we want to characterize and compare the construction of “democracy,” as a discursive object, and the designatory paradigms it integrates. To this end, we have amassed a corpus that comprises the editorials of all three magazines, which, in the context of Presidential elections, problematize the concept of democracy. The discursive analysis of these representations allowed us to see the political diversity within the common ground of Catholic discourse.  

The goal of this study is to understand how hate speech emerges as part of political activism on social media. From a qualitative perspective, we developed a multi-method investigation. Our thematic content analysis delves into the motivations of activists and the consequences of social media conflicts, while our automated content analysis identifies the frequency of hate speech and the types of publications that lead to such reactions. Social media are democratic environments and fertile ground for ideological and political activism, which can sometimes spark violent, hate-filled debates that transform these environments into dangerous and toxic places. Among our main theoretical and practical results, we found that the self-construction of online havens or shelters contributes to the increase of social bubbles as well as the rise in hate speech and its consequences for the lives of individuals. &nbsp

El objetivo del presente artículo es estudiar la influencia que Gregory Bateson tuvo en la obra de Eliseo Verón. El análisis se hará a partir de cómo el semiólogo retoma en sus textos a este pensador de la cibernética. Entender la creatividad a partir de las ideas, en vez de los individuos, permite entender la complejidad del concepto y el carácter participativo que distintos pensadores desempeñan en el proceso. Se buscará indagar tanto sobre las similitudes como las diferencias para poder documentar el pasaje de una perspectiva ecológica a la semiosis social. Para cumplir este objetivo, primero se explicará la perspectiva de la biografía de la idea y se hará un resumen de las obras centrales de ambos autores. En segundo lugar, se explicarán los puntos de coincidencia que radican en la comunicación interpersonal y los puntos de quiebre que parten del concepto de “mente” y de “observador”. Por último, se explicará cómo emerge el modelo de la semiosis social. Si bien ambos autores conocen los Pasos hacia una ecología de la mente, cada uno ha encontrado su propio estilo.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, social media has acquired particular relevance. During periods of long confinement and lockdown, they have become spaces for entertainment and socialization. Within this digital ecosystem, TikTok plays a key role. It has grown remarkably during the past year and has become the most used social network by adolescents. In Argentina, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, mayor of the City of Buenos Aires, joined TikTok in October 2020, becoming one of the first political figures to open an account. In less than a year, he amassed around 350 thousands followers and 5.4 million likes.    In this article, we describe and analyze the communication strategies deployed by Rodríguez Larreta on TikTok between October 19, 2020, when he joined the network, up to September 19, 2021. We employ a qualitative methodology, with content analysis as our main tool, and focus on investigating the frequency, topics, attributes, and language of the videos uploaded by Rodríguez Larreta during his eleven months on TikTok. Our hypothesis is that the mayor of Buenos Aires used TikTok as a special channel to connect with young voters. This becomes obvious throughout our study, as we observe how he adapted his political communication — in both form and function — to align with the codes and language of this social network, placing special emphasis on his interaction with users.