The article examines the anatomy of the Russian linguistic colonialism in 19th-century Georgia and the nature, scale, and consequences of its influence on the functioning of the Georgian language. It analyzes the measures taken by Georgian figures of this period to raise the social status of the native language in the face of the challenges of Russian colonialism. It shows how in the changed socio-political situation as a result of the annexation of Georgia, they turned the standardization and codification of the language into one of the strong forms of resistance, with which they opposed the at-tempts of linguistic assimilation coming from the Tsarist government. The article sheds light on the fact that a correct vision of the advanced intelligentsia on language poli-cy and an adequate assessment of the dangers of colonialism often save the colonized languages from being swept away by the dominant language and from extinction. Their consideration of language as one of the main markers of national identity, on the one hand, and the perception of linguistic colonialism as a manifestation of Rus-sian cultural hegemony, the real goal of which was to introduce the imperial cultural norms, values, and ideologies in the colonized country, played an important role in improving the ecological environment of the Georgian language, overcoming the difficulties of the linguistic hierarchy. and, finally, to preserve the national identity.

The standards deriving from the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms regarding the right to life in the context of the use of life-threatening force by the police are analysed. During the last three decades the Euro-pean Court of Human Rights has formulated and further developed a significant num-ber of requirements both for the general compliance of Member States’ domestic legis-lation with the Convention, and for the conduct of State authorities in terms of plan-ning and realisation of police operations, and investigating into cases of death caused by the police. The current study examines these requirements in detail, and establishes that, in addition to the ones referring to the legislative framework, there are also such of a forensic, institutional and organizational nature. Particular empha-sis is placed on the criteria that the investigation must fulfil in order to be effective. The essence and content of the circumstances provided for in Art. 2, para. 2 of the Convention, under which the use of lethal force is absolutely necessary and, therefore, permissible, are discussed. Relevant aspects of the Bulgarian legislative and institu-tional experience in the process of achieving compliance with the outlined require-ments have been reviewed.

The text examines the appearance of the first sample of written Old Slovenian lan-guage known to modern science, as attested in the oldest Slavic-language written monument with the Latin alphabet – the Freising manuscripts. The most relevant theo-ries about the time and place of their composition, the relationship of the manuscript with the Slovenian language, as well as its connection to the Old Bulgarian language and the Moravian mission of Cyril and Methodius, are presented.

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Inspired by the 32-years long Belene trial, the article investigates the impact of deprivation from the right to justice on reaching transitional justice in aftermaths of crimes against humanity. Through bottom-up victims-centered perspective the article digs into the Belene victims’ oral history narratives to find out the impact of this deprivation on the societal contract, victims’ trauma, justice perception of the society and the rule of law. Based on textual analysis of open-ended interviews and narratives of the Belene victims, the article highlights the adverse consequences of neglecting the victims’ right to fair trial and transitional justice and perpetuating impunity, not only impeding justice and healing but perpetuating victimization and corroding societal trust. The sustained denial of victims' rights to a fair trial and access to justice exacerbates historical wounds, erodes the foundations of the justice and collective perception of fairness in the whole society. Beyond legal implications, the deprivation from right to justice affects individuals' psychological and social well-being and overall societal peace. The article emphasizes that transitional justice is a moral imperative, enabling the rebuilding of a peaceful and democratic society on principles of accountability and empathy, especially in the complex and sensitive aftermath of ethnic-based crimes against humanity.

The imprisonment of Muslims in the Belene concentration camp, subsequently called forced settlement of a new residence, as the punitive measure in a more mitigated form, was applied against opponents of assimilation policy almost until the fall of communist power in Bulgaria. The article summarizes data on Turks and Pomaks who opposed the state decisions and repression, sent to the second division of the Belene concentration camp in the first two periods (1949-1953 and 1956-1959) of its history. Then we consider in more detail the imprisonment of Pomaks in relation of the change of names in the almost unexplored by this aspect 1960s and 1970s of the concentration camp. Finally, brief parallels are drawn between the internment in these two decades, and the last, largest forced internment of Turks (1984-1987) in the concentration camp in the name change campaign of 1984-1985 and the subsequent years of repression.

The idea of labour free from exploitation has a fundamental place in communist ideology and was a constant slogan in the public rhetoric of the ‘peoples’ democracies’. This paper aims to examine how labour is defined in the official discourse of state-socialist Bulgaria, how it is associated with the ideas of freedom, coercion, the new communist moral order; and how labour is used as a repressive measure for annihilation the political opponents immediately after the seizure the political power by the Fatherland Front on September 9th ,1944 until the closure of the labour camps in 1962. The juxtaposition of the official state discourse of free labour without exploitation of workers and the people’s accounts reveal whether the ideologemes imposed by the state-party propaganda were accepted and became part of the people's thinking and vernacular memory. My thesis is that the ideologemes of free labour are accepted or at least not problematized in the narratives of the majority of ‘ordinary’ people who lived during the communist regime without being subjected to political repression. The other group, however - the victims of such repression - challenges the regime's propaganda ideologemes of freedom and free labour under socialism, and do so by recounting their own lives and speaking from the undeniable position of witnesses. Thus, in terms of remembering labour, freedom and coercion, the generation born in the 1920s and 1930s is divided into two ‘generational units’ (using Mannheim’s term), that remain on irreconcilable opposing positions.

The text further develops the author's earlier thesis about the typologies of Bulgarian and Serbian nationalism as dependent on collective memory – heroic or traumatic. And – to some extent – gets into an argument with her. The article examines the reactions of Bulgarian and Serbian society to the decisions of the Berlin Treaty (1878), which proved traumatic for both sides – regardless of the differences in the status of the one and the other. The Berlin Treaty — if it did not cause, it — legitimized four wars, became the starting point for aspirations for the redistribution of the peninsula and a source of traumatic memory. Although the subsequent victories and battles alternate with different intensity, the core elements of national identity remain the series of "Golgotha" (in the Serbian case) and "national catastrophes" (in the Bulgarian). Collective memory, of course, can undergo reversals – depending on the needs of a particular political situation and on the "invention of tradition" to serve this situation.

The paper examines the problems faced by evangelical ministers condemned in the so-called Pastoral Trials (1948–1985) and their families. At the same time, the Bulgarian State Security managed to launch its own cadres to take the places of uncomfortable ones on the pulpits and push state policy following the KGB models. And they suc-ceeded in converting even some of the pastors who have been caught up in the judicial processes and declared unjustly. Attention is paid to the instigated opposition against highly educated and erudite clergymen enjoying authority in society, by officials obe-dient to the new authority, ready to sell their faith for some silver coin.

Throughout 2022, the war between Russia and Ukraine continues. From the 17th century Ukraine is trying to get rid of this aggression. And today, in 2022, Ukraine is also resisting and defending its right to own culture, language, traditions, and life. All this is achieved with the blood of Ukrainians. Bloody events, the conflict between the individual and the state, blood and power are depicted in the story "Blue November" by the Ukrainian writer Mykola Khvylovy (1893-1933).The scientific problem is to the interpretation of the author's signs-codes, which reflect modernist aesthetics, which proves the focus of Mykola Khvylovy's Ukrainian identity on European searches at the beginning of of the 20th century, which influ-enced the specificity of artistic images. The aim is to study symbols, repetitions, epi-thets, metaphors, conflicts. It is the reflection on the communist ideology that was introduced in the 1920-s, the irony and ambiguous allusions around it, that form the ideological complex in the story “Blue November”, which is the modernist "quiet" internal reaction of the intellectual resistance humane artist to the bloody challenges and majority’s immorality of that time. Writer reveals the conflict between the individual and the state system, the problems of bloody power, the destruction of humane values. the impossibility of defending Ukrainian identity.