The manufacturing industry of Russia’s Baltic regions has faced major global challenges in recent years, including the COVID-19 pandemic and Western sanctions. This study aims to identify the spatiotemporal effects of these external shocks on industrial dynamics in Saint Petersburg, Leningrad and Kaliningrad regions, and to identify local clusters of industrial growth and decline. The methodological framework of the study is spatial analysis based on differential global and local Moran’s I statistics, which allows for the assessment of spatial autocorrelation in changes in industrial output at the municipal level during 2019—2023. Official Rosstat data, normalized (deflated) to pre-crisis levels, serve as the empirical basis of the study. The findings reveal pronounced heterogeneity in regional responses. In the Kaliningrad region, extensive zones of industrial decline emerged, reflecting the region’s high dependence on imports. By contrast, several muni­cipalities in the Leningrad region demonstrated growth, supported by production diversification and government measures. These results make it possible to identify local poles of decline and growth, highlighting significant spatial disparities in the resilience of the manufacturing sector across Russia’s Baltic regions.

The study focuses on the image of Russia in Finland’s historical politics in the context of the country’s accession to NATO. Its aim is to identify changes in the place attributed to Russia in the Finnish political elite’s references to Finland’s own past, shared Russian–Finnish history, and world history. To achieve this objective, the author analyses speeches by the President of Finland, Sauli Niinistö, on foreign policy issues delivered between 2021 and 2024: prior to the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine, during Helsinki’s accession process to NATO, and after Finland obtained full membership in the Alliance. The theoretical framework of the study draws on the concept of historical politics as interpreted by Alexei Miller, as well as on the theory of historical narrative developed by Eviatar Zerubavel. The primary research method employed is discourse analysis in accordance with the approach of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The analysis reveals that Sauli Niinistö referred most actively to the past during the first year of the conflict in Ukraine and following Finland’s application for NATO membership. Since 2022, the Winter War and other episodes of Russian–Finnish confrontation have assumed a far more prominent role in historical politics than the 1975 Helsinki Accords. These references contribute to the construction of Russia’s image as an enemy and a threat in both the present and the past, and serve to mobilise public support within Finland for Ukraine. As a result, the historical narrative increasingly takes the form of a prolonged and continuous struggle between the two nations, devoid of any experience of mutually beneficial cooperation or sustained dialogue between the two countries.

The modern understanding of representative democracy includes not only the rule of the majority, but also the protection of the rights of minorities. One such minority is indigenous peoples, including the Sámi population that lives in four European countries, namely in the northern territories of Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. In these countries, the Sámi, as a minority, find it difficult to achieve an adequate level of representation in traditional political structures that are responsible for articulating interests (parties, parliaments), therefore special mechanisms were found that allowed this indigenous people to participate in political decision-making processes more actively. The purpose of the article is to study the evolution and features of the political representation of the Sámi in Norway, Sweden, and Finland. The choice of countries is dictated by the cross-border nature of the Sámi settlement and the practice of diffusion of institutions of political representation. The methodology is based on neo-institutionalism and constructivism theories. It is concluded that after World War II, global transformations of the institutional environment took place in developed countries, and they were expressed in the rejection of the racial paradigm, the establishment of the supremacy of democracy and human rights. In the countries of Northern Europe at the end of the XX — beginning of the XXI centuries, the concept of “Arctic identity” was formed instead of identity through the construct of the “Nordic race”, which was characteristic of the first half of the XX century. At the center of it is the concept of indigeneity. From the beginning of the XX century, the Sámi that were subjected to forced assimilation in all three countries (discriminatory policies of “swedification”, “norwegianization” and “finnization”) and that were forced to fight for their rights with minimal chances of winning over the dominant discourse of racial inferiority, became beneficiaries of the changes, received special status, collective rights, and opportunities for political representation in modern conditions. However, several problems and discriminatory practices against the Sámi remain relevant and require solutions at the level of public policy.

The start of the Special Military Operation (SMO) created a conceptual vacuum in the European Union’s policy toward Russia. By classifying Moscow as a strategic threat, Brussels curtailed all contacts with it, instead prioritizing sanctions and support for Ukraine. The aim of this article is to examine how decolonization, understood as a socio-­political category, has become the ideational foundation of the EU’s Russia policy and to highlight the role of Baltic entrepreneurs in shaping this discourse. Theoretically, the analysis is informed by the multiple streams framework; empirically, it draws on EU policy documents and political speeches delivered between 2022 and the present. Three distinct interpretations of decolonization are identified. The first highlights the previously limited agency of the Baltic States and Poland in shaping EU—Russia policy, which has now given way to Brussels’ acceptance of the most uncompromising ‘Baltic line’ on Russia. The second emphasizes inter-­imperiality, understood as both the liberation of post-­Soviet Eurasia from Russian influence and the emancipation of states in this region through deeper and more equitable cooperation with the EU. This interpretation underpins the EU’s revision of its enlargement policy, the additional legitimation of anti-­Russian sanctions, and the creation of a new hierarchy of actors in the post-­Soviet space. The third, currently marginal, interpretation focuses on restoring subjectivity to Russia’s peoples and regions. While EU policymakers rarely elaborate on this perspective, its very existence reinforces a negative backdrop that constrains the possibility of dialogue between Russia and the EU. The article demonstrates the central role of Baltic entrepreneurs in advancing these interpretations of decolonization and underscores the differences in their technical feasibility. In conclusion, the three interpretations are compared and briefly assessed in terms of their implications for the potential restoration of Russia—EU relations.

The article examines the activities of the Council of the Baltic Sea States (CBSS) in promoting national minority rights between 1994 and 2000. The study is based on a detailed analysis of documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation, which are introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time. The chronological scope is defined by the period when Ole Espersen served as Commissioner on Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, Including the Rights of Persons Belonging to Minorities. The findings suggest that Russia, concerned about the situation of the Russian-speaking po­pulation in the Baltic States, was the main initiator of CBSS efforts to strengthen na­tional minority rights. Although the problem of discrimination against Russian speakers in the Baltic States remained unresolved, the Commissioner’s activities significantly contributed to the standardization of the legal and institutional framework for protecting vulnerable population groups, particularly national minorities. The authors argue that these activities also sup­ported the consolidation of European human rights institutions and encouraged Russia to enhance the national legislation in this field.

Quantitative content analysis was employed to examine 63 strategies for the socioeconomic development of regions and municipalities within Russian Baltic territories. The aim was to assess the extent to which the ‘Baltic agenda’ – themes specific to this area – manifest themselves in the documents. Strategies developed between 2010 and 2023 and in force as of February 2024 were analysed. Indices of manifestation (IM) were calculated based on the number of mentions of 77 marker words. The formula for IM calculation includes the absolute number of mentions of words, adjusted for their significance, which was determined by their frequency of use and location within the text of the strategy. The IM was computed for three interrelated directions: Baltic, European and global. The maximum values of IM are characteristic of the strategy of the Kaliningrad region, which, in addition to objective factors, is due to the unusual voluminosity of the document. At the municipal level, the most impressive performances on this measure are seen in municipalities of the Kaliningrad region (Kaliningrad, Zelenogradsk, Gusev, Slavsk, Baltiysk and Bagrationovsk), Vyborg in the Leningrad region and Pskov. For Kaliningrad and Vyborg, two strategy versions were examined, making it possible to observe changes in the volume and focus on Baltic issues: the strategies are becoming shorter, with diminishing attention given to the Baltic agenda. A map diagram was drawn to illustrate the division of municipal strategies into five groups for each direction. Spatial differentiation is evident: the average IM value for the documents of the inner band of the Russian Baltic area is 2.7 times that for strategies of the outer band.

This article revisits approaches to regional development by exploring both previously proposed and new policy opportunities for regions facing the greatest challenges in adapting to emerging geo-economic conditions. This revision is based on the methodology of comparative analysis of discrete structural (institutional) alternatives – an essential component for ensuring the necessary evidential level in selecting economic policy instruments, complementing other applied research tools. The Kaliningrad region is one of Russia’s most complex due to its geographical isolation and historical background. The most comprehensive and consistent review of development options, or structural alternatives, for this area is found in the works of Gennady Fedorov, a professor at the Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University. This study elucidates the need to draw on the ideas of regional and spatial economic development of the Kaliningrad region reflected in the works of Prof. Fedorov and his colleagues from 1991 to 2023, when developing scenarios for Russia’s westernmost region. The main advantage of their findings is that they are presented through the lens of interdisciplinary discourse, utilising concepts from new institutional economic theory to provide an economic perspective. This study reveals the fundamental ideas behind the concept of the geo-demographic situation, the so-called ‘Fedorov matrix’ highlighting structural alternatives for the development of the Kaliningrad region and the spatially distributed clusters. The article examines the three main development strategies of the Kaliningrad region, as analysed by Fedorov, to trace the evolution of the region’s economic activity regulation regime. A conclusion is drawn regarding the demand for industrial policy instruments for the development of the region’s economy, while also emphasising their insufficient efficiency in application. The viability of Fedorov’s forecasts, as outlined in his works, is assessed through the example of planning a spatially distributed tourism and recreation cluster.

The rural settlement system of the Kaliningrad region, comprising 1,075 localities, is characterised by compactness, high economic development and a predominance of small rural settlements. From 2010 to 2024, the region’s rural population increased from 210 to 235 thousand people. Simultaneously, the number of large rural settlements is growing in the western part of the region, while a stable trend of demographic decline persists among small rural settlements in the eastern part. Using statistical data, along with quantitative data from previous studies, open sources and field research materials, the authors developed a comprehensive typology of Kaliningrad region’s rural settlements. The typology classifies settlements according to demographic factors, spatial location, availability of social infrastructure, tourism and recreation facilities and agricultural enterprises of various types. The research methods encompassed tools for gathering, processing and analysing primary data, including statistical, cartographic and comparative-geographical techniques. As a result, 18 types of rural settlements were identified in the Kaliningrad region, each characterised by a unique trajectory of socio-economic and demographic development. These distinctions should be considered when designing and implementing spatial development programmes and projects at local or regional levels. The research results are presented in cartographic and tabular formats.

Despite the widespread adoption of digital technologies and their potential to break down traditional barriers in business and communication, many Latvian residents and enterprises still lack access to digital marketing tools and the advantages they offer. This article aims to analyze inequality among residents and enterprises in the Latvian online market of digital marketing. The conceptual basis of the study is the technology acceptance model (TAM), the theory of digital divide and the resource approach based on the theory of social fields. For dynamic analysis of statistical data, the con(di)vergence of indicators of the involvement of various socio-demographic and geographical groups of Latvian residents and enterprises in the online market of digital marketing is assessed. The empirical study is based on Latvian statistics for 2013—2022 (for some indicators — 2023). The results of the study show that the development of digital marketing in Latvia is happening very quickly, but the potential for development still remains very large, since with 90 % of Latvian residents regularly (at least once a week) using the internet, more than 30 % of Latvians have not yet made a purchase or order on the internet. The development of digital marketing in Latvia reduces socio-demographic and geographical inequalities among residents and enterprises in the online market in relation to the ‘digital inequality of input’ (access to the online market), but in relation to the ‘digital inequality of output’ (returns from this access) the equalizing opportunities of digital marketing in Latvia (especially in its regions) are limited by the specifics of the functioning of the economy based on social capital. In this economy, models and theories developed for the economy based on innovation practically do not work. The novelty of this study is a comprehensive analysis of the general background and dynamics of the development of the Latvian online market of digital marketing in the context of digital inequality among residents and enterprises.