The strategic importance of South Asia stems from its natural resources and advantageous location. However, in recent years, China and India’s rivalry in the subcontinent has altered the geo-strategic landscape in the region. Though much had been explored in the trilateral dynamics of India–China–Nepal, comparative analyses to empirically assess the relative strength of the relationships have been overlooked. Hence, the current paper examined the dynamics of these three countries by evaluating their ability to uphold their ties. It looked at India’s neighbourhood first policy with a particular focus on Nepal, and it further examined how China uses the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a springboard to utilise it as a geopolitical manoeuvre to offset India’s hegemony in the area. On the empirical front, the paper examined the pattern of investment from China’s BRI in Nepal and contrasted it with China’s overall investment trends in Nepal. The paper argues that although BRI investment in Nepal is increasing, there is a significant decline in the overall investment from China. In contrast, India’s investment in Nepal had an upward trajectory that surpassed China’s investment volume. The paper discussed potential ways to achieve trilateral relations among these three countries by promoting sustained cooperation.

The article focuses on the cultural and civilisational potential of Russian eastern borders and China border regions. The issues raised in this article seem to be topical in the context of two circumstances: first, tourist contacts have undergone significant transformations in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, and second, the aggravating situation with the emergence of barriers to entry into the European tourism space makes China one of the most attractive regions for tourism development. The concept of ‘border’ appears as a unique sociocultural space where regional culture functioning is mediated by the influence of three cultural dimensions (national, local and foreign). In the era of digitalisation, online platforms act as a modern space for the concentration and accumulation of tourist content. Updating the work on online platforms can become one of the ways of solving the identified problems in the border tourism sector. The article gives a possible solution to the above issues based on the original model of ‘regional cultures dialogueness in the borderland’, its integration into the concept of tourism development in the border areas. The authors suggest recommendations on the vector of modern state policy regarding the development of tourism initiatives in the Russian–Chinese border area.

Taylor, Monique, China’s Digital Authoritarianism: A Governance Perspective (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022) pp. 169, ₹4,618, ISBN: 97830311125152 (Hardcover).

Tansen Sen and Brian Tsui (eds.), Beyond Pan-Asianism: Connecting China and India, 1840s–1960s (India: Oxford University Press, 2021), pp. 489, ₹899. ISBN 9780190129118 (Hardcover).

World War II (WWII) directly impacted the lives of Chinese migrants living in Assam, the Northeastern frontier of British India. The major wars that impacted the lives of Chinese migrants in Assam were the Sino-Indian War of 1962 and WWII. Most of the literature focuses on the Sino-Indian War of 1962, its impact, internment and sociopolitical and cultural aspect of the community afterwards. This study shifts its attention to WWII and its effect on the community. This article investigates the relationship between the colonial state and the migrants. While the state tried to control the population, the community found many ways to negotiate with these control mechanisms, though they were vulnerable. It argues that the community’s experience during WWII is central to understanding their experience during the Sino-Indian War of 1962. The control mechanism, like registration, provided them with legal status in Assam but did not ensure legal activities. Sometimes, these activities can be seen as reacting to the control mechanisms.

There are already signs that the PRC is backing out of the non-interference policy. Perhaps this is the right time to ask if China’s policy of non-interference in other countries internal affairs is ending, especially in light of the BRI grand strategy. The study examines whether China’s policy of non-interference is sustainable in the age of the BRI. Will the PRC be able to maintain its non-interference and neutrality policy, especially if its commercial interests, investments, and citizens living in the GCC countries are threatened? China must moderate its non-interference policy and increasingly intervene to secure overseas economic interests by framing its engagement in a way that eases the perceived breadth and depth of its interference.

This article reviews the ideology, guidelines, and policies of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on think-tanks and especially focuses on analysing Xi Jinping’s policies towards them since the 18th Party Congress in 2012. Observing both the CPC’s directives and the activities of some important think-tanks, this article finds that the relationship between the CPC and think-tanks in China has gotten increasingly closer. The closeness is reflected in indicators such as the CPC’s promulgation of the policy to build ‘a new type’ of think-tank, increasing reliance on and appreciation for the advice of think-tanks, funding for official think-tanks, and frequent emphasis on the absolute leadership of the CPC over them. This is a typical model of the corporatism between the CPC and the state, market and social organisation in China.

With the ideological undergirding of Marxism–Leninism, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has claimed representation of peasants and workers in its vanguard role in actualising the socialist revolution. However, as China has developed economically over the past four decades, there has been an erosion in the status of workers and peasants as legitimate stakeholders in governance and ruling practices. This article attempts to map how labour, once a critical component of the CPC’s political–ideological invocation, has become peripheral as China transitioned to a market economy with an emphasis on economic rationale for growth and reforms. It examines the changing contours of the CPC’s discourse and practice over the past 100 years on the labour question, sandwiched as it is between the need for continued economic growth as a legitimating tool and the continued reiteration of being representative of the working class.

Kanti Bajpai, India Versus China: Why They Are Not Friends (New Delhi, India: Juggernaut, 2021), pp. 284, ₹599, ISBN 9391165087.

China has responded to criticisms of its handling of the COVID outbreak by an assertive foreign policy style referred to as ‘wolf-warrior diplomacy’. This study argues that this does not represent a radical shift in Chinese foreign policy but exacerbates a pre-existing trend. We say that this assertiveness builds upon the twin pillars of ‘core interests and the unambiguous exposition of the ‘striving for achievement’ policy adopted by China since Xi Jinping’s elevation as the President in 2012. We outline China’s response to its competition with the United States, based on heightened nationalism and practiced through centralised decision making.