Fully recognizing all the possible limitations and even objections to a historical inquiry into bullying and harassment in Antiquity, this article tackles the subject by strictly limiting the situations to be studied. It only takes into account those instances in which children or adolescents are both the agents and the victims of bullying and harassing behavior. It only looks at the interaction between children of free status. First, I study children in a stage of life in which they were largely subjected to the authority of parents and other educators. After this, the focus is on young girls, whose coming of age put them in a peculiar situation regarding harassment. Finally, student life is given due attention. In conclusion, I point out how a careful consideration of these fragments not only informs us about aspects of everyday life of young people in antiquity, but also about ancient concepts of personhood.

BOOKREVIEWS 125 The book overall is a focused, reasonably detailed introduction to how the ancient Greco-Roman world thought about mythology as presented by Homer and Hesiod and how thinking changed over time; however, there is one noticeable issue with the main argument. Herren says “This book entertains a thesis: the exposure of the most authoritative works of the ancient Greeks to public criticism and discussion was a decisive step towards creating the open, pluralistic society that we in the Western nations enjoy today” (viii). The problem is thatthe secondhalf of the thesis as stated,thatcontemporaryWestern ideologies owe something to ancient Greek thinkers, is given relatively little exploration. Of the 13 chapters in the body of the book, only the last three consider post BCE ideas in depth, and the West, mostly Western European Christianity, only gets extended consideration in Chapters 12 and 13. 1500 years of history, thought and literature cannot be adequately explored in the span of approximately twenty pages, especially when compared with the level of detail given toandthe number of differentwriters treatedin the BCEperiods. Problems aside,this book does a goodjob of exploring howthe ancientGreeks thought about their mythology and those who recorded it. It is a good introduction to many philosophers who addressed the subject of interpretation of myth, and the book emphasizes the understanding that the ancient world did not blindly and religiously accept their myths but did question and interpret them in various ways. With a few caveats, The Anatomy of Myth would be a useful addition to an intermediate undergraduate philosophy, mythology or theologyreading list. KATHLEEN BURT MiddleGeorgiaStateUniversity,kathleen.burt@mga.edu * * * * * The Politics of Youth in Greek Tragedy: Gangs of Athens. By MATTHEW SHIPTON. London, UK: Bloomsbury, 2018. Pp. 208. Hardcover, $114.00. ISBN 978-1-4742-9507-9. In The Politics of Youth in Greek Tragedy: Gangs of Athens, Matthew Shipton examines the portrayal of youthful characters in seven Attic tragedies. 126 BOOKREVIEWS Throughout the study, he uses the term “youth” flexibly to include both the characteristics attributed to young people and the associated social category. His stated goal is to make a case for youth studies as a sub-discipline of Classics similar to gender studies. Shipton ties his analysis of specific tragedies to the shifting social and political landscape of 5th-century Athens. He argues that the reforms of Cleisthenes precipitated a gradual evolution away from vertical family relationships toward horizontal age-group relationships – the “gangs” of the book’s sub-title – leading to increasing generational opposition and ultimately the factionalization of Athens along age-relatedlines.Tragedy,he suggests,allows us to track changes in how older generations perceived youth across time. The plays express different forms of anxiety about the potentially destabilizing effect of young people on Athenian society, from the relative political stability of the mid-5thcenturythroughthe various upheavals of the Peloponnesian War. In addition to a methodological introduction and a brief conclusion, the book offers its argument in seven chapters that proceed chronologically. Chapter 1 locates tragedy within a broader literary context starting with Homer and emphasizing Thucydides. Chapter 2 examines Prometheus Bound as a play that expresses anxiety about the new tyrannical regime of a younger generation. Chapter 3 frames Antigoneas exploring the extent towhich young people should participate in politics. In Chapter 4, Heracleidae is shown to highlight society’s expectations of the young as citizen-warriors, even as itexcludes young men from speaking roles. Chapter 5 considers Philoctetes and its reflection of a post-Sicily Athens anxious to return political decision-making to older men. In Chapter 6, Orestes – with its focus on Orestes, Pylades and Electra – is used to explore the dynamics of ayouth“gang.” Finally,Chapter 7 considers twoplays – Bacchaeand Iphigenia in Aulis – which demonstrate the disastrous consequences of the failure to properly negotiate intergenerational relations. Notes, bibliography (featuring almost exclusively English-language scholarship) andan index follow. This book is a concise introductory foray into the role of youth in Greek tragedy. This concision is often a virtue, as Shipton habitually acknowledges without unnecessarily engaging in long-standing academic debates (e.g. the authorship of the Prometheus), leaving the focus on his own original contributions. The book avoids extensive engagement...

Platonic dialogues are full of poetic references. As well as revealing a vivid interest in, and acquaintance with, previous poetic works, Plato's citations of the poets are also reflective of a widespread—but in Plato's view reprehensible—4th century Athenian practice of treating poetry as a compendium of absolute and undeniable truths and of appropriating it only for self-serving purposes, instead of using it as a springboard for philosophical discussion. In this paper I restrict my attention to the Theaetetus with a view to scrutinizing the intricate and sophisticated ways in which Plato tackles not so much the cited poetic quotations and paraphrases per se, as their reception and handling by his contemporaries. More specifically, I examine three explicit Homeric citations (152e, 153c-d, and 194c). Although in all three cases Socrates embarks upon an allegorical interpretation of Homer, the authority that he allegedly lays upon his proposed readings eventually proves to be merely a masquerade. I suggest that as well as parodying the allegorical method of interpretation, Socrates' treatment of the Homeric citations is also philosophically significant.

508 BOOKREVIEWS Orientalist scholar William Jones’ commentary on a “Turkish Ode of Mesihi” demonstrate the poem’ssolidplace in this earlier period’s consciousness. The Pervigilium’s brevity and the space afforded to the commentator in a book-length edition permit full discussion of the numerous conjectures that have been proposed since the Renaissance. Barton shows good sense in establishing his text. In line 12, for example, he sustains the manuscripts’ maritis against Rivinus’s marinis, preferred by some recent editors. In line 35, he accepts Courtney’s armatus, an elegant solution to the mess created by the manuscripts and compounded by some previous editors. The apparatus is fuller than Catlow’s, which was too brief, and more user-friendly than Formicola’s, who included lengthy critical arguments in the apparatus itself. Barton could have chosen, however, to omit some of the trivial spelling mistakes found in the manuscripts. Barton presents some earlier conjectures, which were omitted in previous commentaries, and has dug out several studies from obscure periodicals. The commentary, however, could have included a fuller selection of comparative and explanatory material; scholars will still want to consult Cucchiarelli’s exhaustive notes. The bibliography’s list of online resources might have mentioned that usable images of the three manuscripts are available on Wikipedia. It is surprising not to see mention of Goold’s revision of Mackail’s Loeb, and there are perhaps a fewtoomanytypographical errors for acritical edition. NEILW.BERNSTEIN OhioUniversity,bernsten@ohio.edu * * * * * Enraged: Why Violent Times Need Ancient Greek Myths. By EMILY KATZ ANHALT. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017. Pp. 280. Hardback, $30.00.ISBN 978-0-300-21737-7. At atime when violence anddemocracy are frequently in the headlines,this book uses Greek mythology (as seen in Homer, Sophocles and Euripides) as a way to explore contemporaryissues and anxieties about civil society. I am not sold on all of Anhalt’s arguments, but in the main I found this book a lively and enjoyable read and I suspect that students and a more general audience would feel the same. BOOKREVIEWS 509 Anhalt presents Greek myth as a valuable tool for engaged modern citizenship, and her explorations of these stories make a convincing case. The book goes well beyond the idea of rage and violence, however, and is deeply concerned with what Greek myths can show or tell us about the democratic process more broadly. The heart of Anhalt’s argument about the enduring importance of Greek myth is that “[i]f a story is not your own, you can assess its participants more objectively” (130). This idea of critical distance is a thread that runs throughout this book, as it deftly moves the reader closer and farther from these texts, positioning them both as a member of an ancient audience and then again as a modern reader, showing them exactly how Greek myths can be an effective tool for thinking aboutrage,empathy,reason,democracyandjustice. I would have liked to see more explicit engagement with the idea of Greek exceptionalism—Anhalt is in the uncomfortable position that many classicists now find themselves of wanting to put Greek literature forward as a particularly good tool for examining contemporary American culture while recognizing the flaws andlimitations of “classical exceptionalism.” One neednot thinkthat Greek mythology (as found in a particular selection of Greekliterature) is uniquely able topromptan examination of rage anddemocraticsociety tothinkthat these texts are a very useful tool. I wish she would have framed her argument in those terms, since this is a book aimed at a popular audience and this might well be the only on the topicthatsome of her readers will read. This is not to say that I did not enjoy the book. On the contrary, I enjoyed reading this book a great deal and I think it could be a very useful tool for teaching. Anhalt provides an extremely accessible treatment of Homer’s Iliad, Sophocles’ Ajax and Euripides’ Hecuba. Each chapter (the Iliad is split into four chapters: Iliad 1, Iliad 6, Iliad 9 and Iliad 10–24) begins with a summary of the text, followed by an analysis of the themes, with a particular emphasis on those with modern salience. Anhalt’s...

116 BOOKREVIEWS * * * * * The Image of Political Power in the Reign of Nerva, AD 96-98. By NATHAN T. ELKINS.New York,NY: Oxford University Press, 2017. Pp. xvi +207. Hardcover, $85.00.ISBN 978-0-19-064803-9. Broadly speaking, the title under review joins a growing list of publications which strive first to devise and then implement a more theoretically informed approach to numismatics, in the spirit of Kemmers and Myrberg’s “Rethinking numismatics” (Archaeological Dialogues 18.1 [2011]: 87–108). More specifically, the present study seeks to redeem Nerva, the first of the Five Good Emperors, by assessing the iconography of the reverse types on the coinage minted during his brief reign in relation to the iconography on the coinage minted under the emperors who reigned both before and after him. Elkins analyzes this iconography as an (active) expression of imperial ideology along the lines of Carlos Noreña’s Imperial Ideals in theRoman West(2011). In the Preface (ix–xiii), Elkins explains the rationale behind the choice of Nerva, whose coinage has been largely overlooked by scholars, even though it provides a unique opportunity to study all of the precious and base-metal coins produced under a single emperor. A short list of Abbreviations (xv–xvi) follows. In the Introduction, “The Power of Images in the Reign of Nerva” (1–23), the author argues for the communicative value of coin iconography across a broad spectrum of the population in Rome, Italy and the provinces: “This is the first attempt to study the complete imperial coin typology of a single emperor by quantifying and examining the targeting of coinage based on evidence from hoards andexcavatedsinglefinds” (14). Chapter 1, “Nerva as Supreme Military Commander” (24–51), examines the representation of the princeps as the imperator, especially in his fraught relationship with the Praetorian Guard. Several coin issues illustrate the importance of the bond between the emperor and his troops, including the various denominations with the legend CONCORDIA EXERCITVVM. Elkins convincingly associates this series of coinage with FIDES types minted during and after the civil wars of AD 68–69, as well as those of the Late Republic. While scholars continue todebate the political,militaryandhistorical significance of the CONCORDIA EXERCITVVM types, Elkins emphasizes that “they must be understood as communicating with everyone—not just the armies—as touting the rhetoricof the militarystabilityof the Roman Empire” (48). BOOKREVIEWS 117 Chapter 2, “Nerva, the Senate and People of Rome, and Italy” (52–101), broadens the scope of the investigation to embrace Nerva’s relationship with the urban plebs in Rome, the people of Italy in general and the Roman Senate. Throughout the chapter—indeed, throughout the book—Elkins argues against “imperial agencyin the selection of coin imagery” (53),but Isuspect that many,if not most,scholars wouldconcede at least some level of direct intervention on the part of the emperor. Once again, several coin issues illustrate the nature and scope of Nerva’s relationship with these three core constituencies. Particularly interesting in this regard is the restoration coinage series which combines a portrait of the Deified Augustus on the obverse with the legend IMP(ERATOR) NERVA CAES(AR) AVG(VSTVS) REST(ITVIT) on the reverse—a powerful way for Nerva to cast himself as a princeps poised between tradition and innovation. Chapter 3, “Nerva and the Roman Empire” (102–136), considers “the proliferation of imperial ideals on the coins, sometimes referred to as ‘imperial virtues’” (103),especiallyon the coins mintedunder the Five GoodEmperors.In the case of Nerva’s coinage, pietas, libertas, providentia, aequitas and iustitia all appear as personifications and/or in the legends, and all “successfully communicated broad imperial ideals to audiences across the Roman Empire” (103). Elkins rightly focuses on the various LIBERTAS types minted under Nerva (cf. Tac. Ag. 3.1 as well as Ann. 1.1.1) and demonstrates how the coinage emerges from a rich “context of cultural memory and historical use of the iconographyof Libertas” (130),e.g.,the famous EIDMARdenarius. In the Conclusion, “The Visualization of Political Rhetoric” (137–154), Elkins ably restates the main outlines of his central argument: “Reexamined as a medium of state-sanctioned art, and in conjunction with contemporary texts...

All of Xenophon's works contemplate the nature of leadership, but the Hieron is unique in how rigorously it engages with the problem of the leader's self-interest. Hieron dwells on his personal finances and mistrust in the loyalty of others, which spoil his security and happiness. These problems are exemplified and exacerbated by his reliance on a mercenary bodyguard. Xenophon's choice of Simonides as Hieron's interlocutor can be explained through Simonides' reputation for self-interest, parallel to that of the bodyguard and of Hieron himself. Simonides' traditional characterization as one who combined avarice with wisdom renders him a sympathetic and useful advisor.

BOOK REVIEWS 125 those interested in the Aeneid, Vergil, or Roman literature and culture will want to join themselves. AARON M.SEIDER College of the Holy Cross, aseider@holycross.edu * * * * * Power and Pathos: Bronze Sculpture of the Hellenistic World. Edited by JENS M. DAEHNER and KENNETH LAPATIN. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2015. Pp. 368. Hardcover, $65.00. ISBN 978-1-60606-439-9. Though exceptionally rare, Hellenistic bronze sculptures are renowned for their fine details, life-like qualities, and often the sensational nature of their discoveries. In an effort to examine the technical aspects of these pieces alongside their respective styles, scholars and contributors across 13 countries and four continents collaborated for one of the most impressive exhibitions to date. Power and Pathos: Bronze Sculpture of the Hellenistic World featured works from 34 museums, and the show traveled from Florence’s Palazzo Strozzi, to the J. Paul Getty Museum, and finally to the National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C. Appearing in both English and Italian, the volume from this show includes a catalogue of the works on display and numerous scholarly essays on various topics (e.g. aesthetics, costs, contexts, dating, typologies). “Reframing Hellenistic Bronze Sculpture” by Jens Daehner and Kenneth Lapatin introduces the reader to the subject of bronzes by summarizing the significance of these forms and giving a brief historiography. Following this introduction, Andrew Stewart (“Why Bronze?”) examines the value of bronze in relation to aesthetics, production costs, and marble. Though it never quite replaced marble as a medium, the author observes that this metal alloy became symbolic of mankind’s artificial essence and his overall mutability, thus making it the material par excellence for representing mortal persons and athletic victors. Of course, to commission a bronze was always an expensive endeavor, but Stewart explains how savvy and accomplished sculptors of the Hellenistic period could save money on production costs in various ways (e.g. thinning the walls of a piece, substituting lead for tin, using recycled bronze scrap). Value was also BOOK REVIEWS 126 ascribed to the “finishing” techniques of bronzes like tooling or cold work, any patina that imitated ephemerality (e.g. blushing or bruising), and polychromatic effects (e.g. silver and copper accents, inlaid eyes). Such polychromy is outlined further by Sophie Descamps-Leguime in “The Color of Bronze: Polychromy and the Aesthetics of Bronze Surfaces.” Of course, “color” was limited to only a few hues (e.g. red, white, yellow), and these were mostly reserved for the face and clothing. Recognizing, however, that the ancients’ perception of bronzes would change as these forms visibly corroded, Descamps-Leguime indicates that a new appreciation and desire for a naturally dark patina began during the Hellenistic period (e.g. “Corinthian bronze”). Several essays in Power and Pathos describe the various contexts of Hellenistic bronzes. As revealed in “Contexts of Discovery” by Seán Hemingway, these works were initially displayed in civic locations or sanctuaries, and empty statue bases left in situ often give researchers today a sense of their original arrangement, composition, and scale. With regards to the surviving bronzes themselves, most have been found submerged in seas around the Mediterranean, and recent discoveries from the Aegean are even addressed separately by George Koutsouflakis and Angeliki Simosi [“Hellenistic Bronze Sculptures from the Aegean Sea: Recent Discoveries (1994–2009)”]. A welcomed addition to the volume and exhibition was the incorporation of bronzes from further East. Though there are few examples, especially when compared to the material from the Mediterranean, Matthew P. Canepa (“Bronze Sculpture in the Hellenistic East”) discusses the eastern adoption of GrecoMacedonian naturalism and iconography, sometimes in conjunction with indigenous casting techniques, and he describes the display of these pieces in prestigious urban and religious contexts across Mesopotamia. Naturally, the text of Power and Pathos is partially devoted to the appearance of Hellenistic sculptures and the figural types that were cast. While the earliest honorific statues date to the start of the 5th century BC (e.g. the Tyrannicides), R.R.R. Smith details the precipitous growth of honorific portraits known as eikōn chalkē (“Eikōn chalkē: Hellenistic Statue Honors in Bronze”). Along with hundreds of statue bases with intact inscriptions...

BOOKREVIEWS Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions. By CATHERINE KEANE. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 251. Hardcover, $74.00. ISBN 978-0-19-9981892 . oman Satire, and Juvenal in particular, is lately a burgeoning industry, with authors trying to extend their analyses beyond the theories around persona, the two Juvenals, genre, the debt of satirists to predecessors, interwoven plots and themes, and the influence of rhetoric. Most recently we have Jennifer Ferriss-Hill’s Roman Satire and the Old Comic Tradition (2015), James Uden’s The Invisible Satirist (2015) and David Larmour’s The Arena of Satire (2016). There has also been a surge of interest recently on the role of emotions in ancient literature. The book under review, Keane’s Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, takes on both Roman satire (mainly Juvenal) and the use of emotions in satirical literature, boring deeply into not only the well-worn satires (1, 3, 6, 10) but also the oft-neglected satires of his later books. Keane treats the 15 ½ Juvenalian Satires as a semi-connected oeuvre of five books, each marked by a foregrounding and delineation of the emotions. When we think of Juvenal and emotion, two words spring to mind: ira and indignatio. Readers seem to be stuck in Satire 1, which is insistently focused on anger as the overriding emotion that rules satire. If we read through all 15 ½ Satires, we see that other emotions are present too. Juvenal tells us this in his famous lines from Satire 1: quidquid agunt homines, votum, timor, ira, voluptas,/ gaudia, discursus, nostri farrago libelli est (85–86). But no one has listened. Keane leads us through a thorough examination of the emotions of each Satire and each book of satires, uncovering many faces or facets of Juvenal’s satire besides ira, but still following ira as it weaves its way along a sinuous path, never quite disappearing but changing its malleable nature in response to the different contexts and characters it encounters. At the end, ira is still there, but transmuted, into, among other things, cannibalism, and in the company of other emotions. Ira is still anger, but anger turns out to have many different faces: it can be explosive, corrosive, ironic, amused, and destructive but also benevolent, legitimate or illegitimate. There is something for everyone in this capacious emotion, and this is what is driving Juvenal’s Satires. But when we talk about emotions as a driver of satire, what do we mean? Are these the emotions of the satirist? Or is the satirist engaging the readers’ R BOOK REVIEWS 119 emotions? Or are the emotions the main theme? It turns out that emotions are all these things. They are the materia of the Satires, the object of representation, the fuel that “creates and structures . . . generic features” (Keane 13, quoting Ruth Caston’s The Elegiac Passion [2012]). But emotions are also facets of the satire that the satirist participates in: he is an authority on ira, and he knows how to express and control it, in both himself and other characters (such as Calvinus in Sat. 13). Ira both is the story and tells the story, playing with our emotions, wearing out its welcome but also making us wish it would return when, in later Satires, it seems to disappear. But there is a problem with a satirist expressing such emotions: what to do with the persona that haunts every discussion of Roman satire (or has haunted studies of satire since it was introduced by Maynard Mack [Yale Review 1951] and Alvin Kernan [The Cankered Muse 1959], and then expanded on by William Anderson [Essays on Roman Satire 1982])? If we say that Juvenal himself participates in these emotions (especially anger), what do we mean? Do we mean Juvenal ipse, himself, the man behind the scenes, or Juvenal the satiric mask? Well, the latter of course because we have learned never to pretend that we can know the man himself. Since Keane has chosen the emotions as her lens into Juvenal’s Satires, she must grapple constantly with talking about Juvenal’s anger and other emotions while at the same time making it clear that it is the satirist’s...

Fr. 54e Harder derives from Heracles' speech to Molorcus before he kills the Nemean Lion in Callimachus' Victoria Berenices. The mention of Melampus at lines 5–6 has been interpreted as a parallel to Heracles' exploit (Parsons) or a reference to an Argive location where Melampus cured the Proetids (Harder). This paper argues that the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women is a plausible intertext for Melampus' Argive affiliation, unifying these two interpretations. Mirroring the structure of the Hesiodic epic, fr. 54e presents a catalogue of Argive hero-kings who through their benefactions (Danaus, assuaging the drought; Melampus, curing the daughters of Proetus; Heracles, killing the lion) parallel Berenice herself. The catalogue reflects Ptolemaic ideology: Berenice's victory expresses her royal charisma, benefits the kingdom and guarantees its stability.