Richard Saull's work on the far right makes a fundamental contribution to our knowledge of the post-fascist phenomenon in today's world.Although the book presents itself as a historical sociology of the far-right's connections with neoliberal ideology and politics in the United States, United Kingdom, and Western Europe, it goes beyond these methodological boundaries, indicating the emergence of a new concept, far-right neoliberalism.Despite the author's small shift toward a left-wing perspective, R. Saull demonstrates post-fascism's ability to survive with the Western neoliberal elite and adapt to new political, social, economic, and ideological goals.Furthermore, the extreme right has recast itself as an anti-system force and movement, continuously identifying new actual, imagined, or fabricated adversaries.Post-fascism retains its "traditional" populist and militant elements while remaining within the confines of legality for the time being, not proposing or failing to restructure the societies in which it exists in a totalitarian sense.

The authors explore the doctrinal roots of the European Union's (EU's) and People's Republic of China (PRC's) policies toward the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) monarchies in the oil and natural gas fields in the changing security environment.To this end, the authors analyse international treaties and other types of documentation, scientific papers and statistical data.The article describes successes and failures and compares the EU's and the PRC's approaches toward the GCC on the bilateral and multilateral levels in the energy sector due to the detailed analysis of cornerstone documentation.This research article provides a thorough overview of the processes of forming the legal framework in the EU and the PRC toward the GCC.It characterizes the evolution of the Middle East policy of the EU and the PRC and reflects on the geopolitical factor in international relations.The authors outline the obstacles in developing international dialogue between the countries, with an accompanying mention of the steps that could not be implemented during cooperation, while being declared within the official agreements.Finally, the attention is drawn to the Russian factor and the influence of the Russian-Ukrainian war in the context of this issue.The authors claim that a free trade area would refresh and deepen relations between the EU and the GCC.It is noted that relations between the PRC and the GCC are developing more intensively with mutual benefit for both parties.The EU and the PRC are interested in signing an FTA with the GCC, and this step will allow them to form strategic partnership

The topic’s relevance increased considerably after the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the occupation of Crimea and part of Donbas transforming collaborationism from a historical notion into a current practical and legal concern. An even greater demand for understanding the essence of collaborationism emerged in 2022 when Russia temporarily occupied certain territories of Ukraine, subsequently liberated by the Armed Forces of Ukraine. This article analyses the cooperation dynamics between the Odessa population and the Romanian occupation authority in the economic and cultural spheres during 1941-1944. The historical context emphasises the varying degrees and motivations for collaboration among different social groups. The research focuses on life strategies, enabling a shift from a simplistic, one-dimensional viewpoint on collaborationism. The prevailing perception is that an individual's physical survival was the primary motivation for collaboration with the occupiers.

The aim of this study is to unearth an unknown text by Aka Gündüz published in Germany in the in the second morning edition of 1 January 1915 of the 'Frankfurter Zeitung und Handelsblatt'. This text titled "O Young German!" is an example of German-Turkish joint war propaganda during the First World War. The text was handwritten and signed by Aka Gündüz. In the introductory part of the newspaper text, "The most important Turkish poet of our age, Ata Gündüz wrote a poem to the Germans at our request. [...] We have added a photograph of the original text in Ottoman (i. e. Turkish) language next to the German translation." note is included. According to archive records, Aka Gündüz did not publish it in Turkey. The text published in the 'Frankfurter Zeitung und Handelsblatt' was translated from Ottoman into German by Dr. Fr. Schrader. When the handwritten version is compared with the one published in the newspaper, it is revealed that there are some (intentional or unintentional) translation errors. Although the name of the poet was written as 'Ata Gündüz' instead of 'Aka Gündüz' at the beginning of the text, when the signature in the text is compared with the signatures in other texts by Aka Gündüz, it is seen that it belongs to him. It was written in a bespoke manner to show the German people the friendship and unity of the Turkish allies. The text was created with idyllic landscapes and an emotional atmosphere. Some sentences such as "You are nice and humane…", "As long as you and my Hungarian brother live, we will make this world strong", "Let's move on to war. Come on, so that there will be no savagery, no hatred, no enmity in the world" reveal the propaganda purpose of the text. This text is important in terms of both war propaganda studies and the identification of an unknown text in terms of Turkish literary history.

This article will explore the problem of religious tolerance and freedom of belief through the opinions and thoughts of William Penn and analyse European peace as a proposed solution to these problems. Although Penn's analysis of the problem is positioned in its historical context and constitutes a solution model to the problems of his region and historical period, this analysis can also be tackled independently from its historical context, and it can shed light on solution proposals to certain problems of today. This study will discuss these problems based on Penn's evaluations of tolerance and freedom of belief, and because of these evaluations, a philosophical analysis of the ideal of European peace and European integration will be offered as a model by this author.

This paper aims to elucidate the process of reorganising the territorial dimension of the local authority in the Republic of Moldova from the proclamation of independence up to the present. The primary data collection method was the content analysis of the official documents and statistics, legal papers, and scientific literature. The study analyses the territorial organisation of the local power in those three decades after the fall of communism. Based on the content analysis of the relevant normative acts, official documents, statistical data, and specialised papers, the evolutions and involutions of this period were revealed. As a result, it was concluded that during the three decades of post-communist transition, several attempts were made to reform the territorial organisation of the local authority. These reformist attempts were uninspired and incorrectly performed, being ostensibly rejected by both political actors and officials from state and local public authorities. Generally, the administrative reforms and restructuring at the local level and, implicitly, of the territorial organisation of the local authority were carried out according to the political objectives of the governors, not having strategies with clearly established aims at their base. The opinion of the imminent necessity of reforming the territorial organisation of the local authority in the Republic of Moldova as a mandatory condition for the efficient functioning of democracy at the local level was formulated and argued.

Political protests during sporting events are aimed at attracting wide public attention, gaining significant media coverage and turning football fields into places of high performance during important matches. The actionists demonstrate peace, carnival spirit and certain insecurity; despite this, they confront and constitute considerable concern to the ruling elite of the states. The analysis covered nonviolent protests on football fields around the world from 1976 to 2018. This article examines political activism, namely political actionism on football fields around the world (namely, streaking) as a form of political protest. The investigation follows two approaches: first, despite being entertaining, protests at football matches are a way to voice views and positions ‘uncomfortable’ to the authority, and second, they may undermine the authority and damage its power. Streaking may generate more public protests in support of actionists or their convictions.

This paper aims to elucidate the process of reorganising the territorial dimension of the local authority in the Republic of Moldova from the proclamation of independence up to the present.The primary data collection method was the content analysis of the official documents and statistics, legal papers, and scientific literature.The study analyses the territorial organisation of the local power in those three decades after the fall of communism.Based on the content analysis of the relevant normative acts, official documents, statistical data, and specialised papers, the evolutions and involutions of this period were revealed.As a result, it was concluded that during the three decades of postcommunist transition, several attempts were made to reform the territorial organisation of the local authority.These reformist attempts were uninspired and incorrectly performed, being ostensibly rejected by both political actors and officials from state and local public authorities.Generally, the administrative reforms and restructuring at the local level and, implicitly, of the territorial organisation of the local authority were carried out according to the political objectives of the governors, not having strategies with clearly established aims at their base.The opinion of the imminent necessity of reforming the territorial organisation of the local authority in the Republic of Moldova as a mandatory condition for the efficient functioning of democracy at the local level was formulated and argued.