Letter from the Editor: Stephanie Cheng

Homelessness is a growing problem nationwide. According to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), the number of people experiencing homelessness rose 12% from 2022 to 2023 (HUD Exchange, 2024b). Low vacancy rates, increased rent costs, and income inequality all comprise difficult structural factors locking people out of the housing market. Those who most harshly bear the brunt of this crisis are people with social vulnerabilities. This paper analyzes the social problem of homelessness from the perspective of an urban hospital Emergency Department (ED), Yale New Haven Hospital (YNHH) in New Haven, Connecticut. Social workers in these settings have a dual role: working directly with individuals and families to connect them with available services and resources and advocating for structural interventions that can ultimately ease this problem. Social workers are also at the forefront of combating any stigma unhoused persons face by both approaching patients experiencing homelessness with dignity and respect while educating others that this problem is not one of the individual, but is rather a consequence of multiple other social problems we have collectively failed to address.


 
 
 Transracial adoption has existed as a mode of forced displacement and oppression throughout the history of the United States. Starting with Italian children, who were once racialized as non-white, non-white children in the United States have undergone systemic oppression resulting in forced separation from their biological parents. The displaced children have typically been placed with white parents who have not been adequately prepared to provide the culturally competent, trauma-informed care that the children need. As a result, transracially adopted children have historically struggled to form a sense of identity and have faced a wide range of physical and mental health vulnerabilities. Part I of this paper will present an overview of how transracial adoption has been implemented throughout U.S. history, discussing both past models (such as the Orphan Train) and contemporary models (such as the foster care system, domestic private adoptions, and the global adoption industry). Part II will draw connections between past and present implementations of transracial adoption, illustrating that the phenomenon is best understood as a continuation of previous forms of oppression. Part III will propose a number of recommendations for social workers to facilitate better outcomes for transracial adoptees.
 
 

Disproportionate levels of violence, disappearance, and murder are endemic among Indigenous women in the United States (U.S.). The prevalence of such violence has persisted for centuries, with little direct action taken to elevate the issue, protect Indigenous women, and hold individual and systemic perpetrators accountable. As a result, Indigenous women in the U.S. face various forms of violence at 2.5 times the rate of non-Indigenous women, with murder being the third leading cause of death. A staggering 94% of Indigenous women experience sexual violence in their lifetime (Urban Health Institute, 2019). Through an analysis of existing and new legislation aimed at addressing the issue of violence against Indigenous women, we reveal the ways in which policies have fallen critically short of achieving this mission, highlight the strengths of recently enacted legislation, and provide recommendations for implementation in order to truly prevent violence, and therefore to protect and empower Indigenous women.

Post-Reconstruction Black Codes implemented throughout the South stunted the economic mobility of Black workers and replicated the free labor system of slavery (Nittle, 2021). While these laws were abandoned or outlawed over time (Nittle, 2021; PBS, 2017), the use of contemporary preemption in Southern states acts as a de facto continuation of Black Codes by barring legislation, often from progressive cities and municipalities, that seeks to strengthen rights and protections for Black workers throughout the region. In order to properly understand the unique racial, political, and economic entanglement between twenty-first century preemption and the oppression of Black workers, one must first explore the origins of preemption and the history of Black worker oppression in the South. This examination provides the backdrop for modern attempts to suppress Black workers in states like Alabama and Tennessee. A closer look at the deep political divisions between Southern legislatures and urban municipalities in their states offer arguments, though unfounded and insufficient, in favor of preemption, and outline the challenges worker advocates face when addressing the problem. Despite its challenges, it is critical for organizers to continue fighting preemption using creative strategies and to reaffirm the rights and advancement of Black workers.

Mercurial policy shifts concerning the gender identity and sexual orientation of individuals serving in the United States military haveadversely a ected the quality of health care o ered to service members whoidentify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer (LGBTQ) directly impacting unit readiness. A lack of LGBTQ-affirming services within the military health care system compromises the health and well-being of LGBTQ service members, which is symptomatic of the exclusionary, heteronormative culture fostered by decades of discriminatory policy. The historic inequity within the military and its impact on the relationship between LGBTQ service members and military health care providers (MHCPs) must be addressed to rectify the ongoing health care disparity.Moreover, policies and LGBTQ-a rming practices that empower servicemembers and foster inclusivity must be implemented to strengthen the military as a whole.

nsufficient definitions within New York State’s mandatory reporting laws have created a “legal-ethical feedback loop” (Johnston, 2015) that can cause an increase in potential victims through the exclusion of certain persons seeking treatment. These non-offending individuals seeking treatment for pedophilia can become subjects of investigations by Child Protective Services because of ambiguous language in the laws, wherein their treatment is jeopardized. This paper will examine how the langue of current New York statutes creates a propensity for over-reporting possible abuse cases when they are unfounded, and potentially risks increasing the number of sexual abuse victims because of a lack of access to or trust in licensed clinicians. This paper proposes several alternatives to closing this “feedback loop” and thereby further protecting one of New York’s most vulnerable populations: children.

Non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) is the repetitive and intentional act of causing injury to one’s own body without suicidal intent. NSSI is an extremely prevalent and pervasive phenomenon, affecting between 13.0 to 23.2% of individuals in the general population. There are significant negative outcomes that may result from engaging in NSSI including risk of serious physical injury, becoming addicted to the behavior, experiencing stigmatization and social rejection, and an increased risk for suicidality. There is also sufficient evidence in the literature supporting the distinction between NSSI and suicide as well as NSSI and Borderline Personality Disorder (BPD). Creating a distinct diagnosis of NSSI in the DSM has many positive clinical implications such as developing a tailored treatment for individuals who engage in such behaviors, stimulating further research about NSSI, improving communication regarding behaviors of self-injury, and bringing awareness to this widespread behavior. This article evaluates each of these benefits to demonstrate that NSSI deserves to be a distinct diagnostic entity in the DSM.

Over the past two decades, the epidemic of sexual assault (assault, rape, and harassment) in the U.S. military has garnered increasing media and legislative attention. While activists and survivors have achieved some successes in achieving the passage of stronger policies that address military sexual assault, many of those changes are recent, and much work remains to be done. This paper examines the growth of a social movement over 22 years and seeks to determine how the social movement against military sexual assault contributed to the Department of Defense’’s shift from promises to action. I challenge social workers to examine their responsibility to groups whose voice has been silenced or stolen by trauma.

When studying natural disasters, it is necessary to analyze the circumstances with a comprehensive approach that focuses on relief and moving the affected area from development to sustainability. Thus, it is imperative to consider all social, environmental, and psychological factors when addressing the complex needs of disaster response from a social work perspective. To establish immediate and long-term support networks, it is also necessary to bring together interdisciplinary teams to assist in disaster relief efforts. In the past decade, a number of devastating natural disasters have managed to cause death, destruction, and disease within the populations of a vast number of countries. This paper examines global disaster relief efforts for three major natural disasters of the past decade through a review of the literature and from observations made in the field.