In July 2020, the Irish Green Party entered into a coalition Government with the two historically dominant parties in Irish politics, Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. The decision to enter Government came after heated debate amongst the Party members over the proposed Programme for Government. At the heart of this debate was whether you could separate climate action from social and economic justice. This was not just a matter of idealism versus pragmatism, as the mainstream media tended to portray it. It was more fundamentally a disagreement over the categories of economy, society, and environment. Are work and housing any less ‘environmental’ than biodiversity loss and pollution? As Ethan Miller’s book, Reimagining Livelihoods, outlines, the cultures of thought that make this question so challenging have a long and deep history. Ethan explains early on where his own intellectual concern with the ‘hegemonic trio’ of economy, society, and environment began. He describes being involved in a campaign against a proposed tourist development in Plum Creek, Maine, where he lives and works, and where the book is firmly situated. The 5-year conflict over the development served, he argues, to affirm, rather than challenge, the separate categories of economy, society, and environment. This was evident in the binary framing of ‘jobs versus environment’, for example, or the overly technical and economistic framing of diverse social and environmental concerns. In Maine, for example, the environment has historically meant material resources—timber, fish, minerals. Today, even as the material extraction of these resources dwindles, the environment is re-made as a resource for attracting tourists—‘amenities’. What is consistent is the idea that the environment is a domain of ‘things to be used, managed, or avoided’.

in protest at the university's failure to deal with the problem of sexual harassment. As she explains in her book What's the Use? On the Uses of Use (2019), 'I hear the word resignation and I hear a long, drawn-out sigh rather like saying, perhaps, what's the use? But resignation can also be how you refuse to resign yourself to a situation' (Ahmed, 2019: 214). Refusing to get used to it is how she describes what it means to be a diversity worker. When we are somewhere for a certain length of time and are no longer surprised by our surroundings and by what usually happens, we are used to it: 'the usual is a field of expectation that derives its contours from past experience. The usual is the structural in temporal form' (Ahmed, 2019: 164). Asserting that the experience of identifying and challenging abuses of power teaches us about its operation, since her resignation she has been researching people's experiences of making complaints (and decisions not to complain) about abuse, harassment, and bullying within universities. For her, feminists need to become 'non-reproductive agents' who try to stop what usually happens from happening, crucial to which is refusing to get used to what usually happens.

Abstract The aim of this qualitative study was 2-fold: to explore, in the context of young people’s civic engagement in Sweden, (i) how adult leaders perceive social factors of youth mental health and (ii) how adult leaders handle such social factors within their organizations. Interviews were conducted with leaders engaged in various civic organizations that provide leisure activities for young people. Using thematic analysis, three themes were constructed. Firstly, the social landscape of youth mental health described how adult leaders perceived the social factors of youth mental health within the context of civic engagement. Secondly, the organizational structures developed by adult leaders illustrated the organizing forms that leaders created for young people’s civic engagement. Thirdly, adult leaders’ strategies for addressing the social factors of youth mental health reflected the strategies developed to handle e.g. stress and achievement pressure. The adult leaders recognized the importance of their organizations and their huge potential to have a positive impact on youth mental health. However, some participants also saw limitations in terms of their own resources and competence. They found themselves having to address the complex issue of social factors of youth mental health regardless of whether they felt competent and prepared to do this or not. Our findings contribute to the existing knowledge on youth and community development via the role of adult leaders in promoting young people’s mental health by highlighting the organizational structures and leadership strategies developed by them.

Abstract The Neighbourhood Cohesion Index (NCI) is a popular scale used to measure social capital and cohesion at the neighbourhood level. Despite its prevalent use, discrepancies exist with regard to the factor structure of the scale. We explore a two- versus three-factor conceptualization of the NCI by comparing results of confirmatory factor analysis and exploratory structural equation modelling (ESEM) for each model among a representative sample of adults (n = 798) in the Greater Phoenix Metropolitan Area (AS, USA). The ESEM three-factor model with the subscales of attraction, neighbouring, and sense of community was the best model fit. This three-factor model proved to be invariant across age, gender, health, and race within our sample. Given the need to determine consistent definitions and measurement of social capital and cohesion, these findings strengthen and support the use of the NCI as an instrument to measure attraction, neighbouring, and sense of community within neighbourhoods.

In my experience, if undertaken correctly, community development for social change is messy, complicated and demanding—you collect the blisters. John Eversley’s excellent new book Social and Community Development: an Introduction helps capture the complexity and challenge of understanding the ‘right thing to do’ and then ‘how to do it right’. Using the lens of theory and apparently, 40 years of practice, the author works systemically to scrutinise and interpret experience as a guide, informing ‘how to’ act. Here, there is a determination to bring the book back to the practicalities of activism and the everyday choices facing a community work practitioner. In this challenging and engrossing book, the author presents theory to provoke reflection, inviting the reader to ask throughout, is our practice really doing what we say we are doing, and, is there another way of doing things? The emphasis is on explaining concepts and their application, learning from theory rather than a ‘who said what’ narrative. So, in a section on difference and the ‘othering’ of people and groups, the ideas of Iris Marion Young, Jacques Derrida and Sigmund Freud are analysed and their relevance explained. Young, Freud and Derrida become a footnote to their theories and the implications for practice—in this case, that communities are not always welcoming despite the immunity they may grant themselves. As examples of theories and source material, the choice of Young, Freud and Derrida offer clues about the distinctive route through the subject taken by the author.

Abstract Community development interventions can generate collective identities, foster community activism and build more accountable relations between marginalized groups and duty-bearers 1. Yet, our previous research shows meaningful inclusion of the most disadvantaged groups is not sustainable unless the intersecting inequalities at the root of poverty and marginalization are understood and addressed. This article draws on participatory action research (PAR) processes conducted between 2016 and 2017 in Egypt, Ghana, India, South Africa and Uganda, which worked through local partners to engage directly with groups affected by deep inequalities and unaccountable dynamics. Collaboratively, we explored how intersecting inequalities play out in people’s everyday lives to drive poverty and marginalization and the elements necessary for participatory processes to catalyze community activism and build pathways towards accountability. In this article, we operationalize the concept of intersecting inequalities, in order to understand the complexity of ‘community’ in different contexts and the contribution of this approach to inclusive community development. Finally, we draw lessons about how to navigate the intrinsic tensions between recognizing difference and building community activism for accountability.

Abstract There is a growing public and academic debate on the societal impacts of the internet and, in particular, social media. For its proponents, social media is a force for change, which can challenge entrenched hierarchies, redistribute power, democratize information, support mass mobilization and contribute to the building of global movements. Increasingly such positivist arguments are being questioned. Critics argue that it has become a sinister force, facilitating the spread of ‘fake news’, providing an instrument for citizen surveillance and re-enforcing neoliberal hegemony. The community development literature has barely engaged in those debates around social media that appear urgent in other disciplines. Social media has been seen as a value-free tool for broadcasting and dissemination, and neither evaluated as a force for change nor examined as an instrument of neoliberal intents. Although there is a community development literature on neoliberalism and globalization, it often accepts these, rather than critiques them, as the contexts within which community development operates. Challenging established power imbalances and enhancing citizen participation in democratic processes are purposes central to community development values. Analysis of wider literature raises questions with regard to the values embedded in the technologies from which enhanced levels of participation and engagement are expected to flow. It also raises questions about who benefits most from the affordances of these technologies. This article, drawing on an extensive literature review, presents the case for community development values to be asserted in these debates.

Kegiatan pengabdian pada masyarakat ini, secara garis besar diharapkan dapat meningkatkan wawasan dengan pemberian Edukasi Kebersihan Diri dan Lingkungan Di Pondok Pesantren Al-Hikam, Bangkalan, Madura. Rencana luaran yang ditargetkan adalah peningkatan wawasan pada masyarakat tentang kebersihan diri dan kebersihan lingkungan termasuk kriteria ruangan sehat. Pelaksanaan sosialisasi ini memiliki sasaran masyarakat yaitu santriwan dan santriwati ponpes yang tergabung dalam kader santri husada dengan harapan dapat meningkatkan pengetahuan masyarakat tentang rumah sehat dan peningkatkan kesadaran untuk lebih memeperhatikan tata ruang yang baik menurut kriteria rumah sehat. Kader santri husada terdiri dari jenjang SMP, SMA dan SMK. Intervensi dalam pengabdian masyarakat ini dilakukan dengan metode pelaksanaan yaitu dengan penyuluhan. Dengan metode ini maka di harapkan pemahaman, pengetahuan dan kesadaran tentang kebersihan diri dan kebersihan lingkungan dapat meningkat. Setelah selesai pelaksanaan intervensi sosialisasi pengabdian masyarakat, maka langkah akhir adalah melakukan evaluasi. Evaluasi dirancang dengan membandingkan kondisi pengetahuan awal sebelum intervensi dengan peningkatan pengetahuan setelah pelaksanaan intervensi. Pemotretan pengetahuan masyarakat tentang kebersihan diri dan kebersihan lingkungan dengan menggunakan pre test dan post test sederhana setiap individu.
 Kata Kunci : Kebersihan Diri, Lingkungan, Poskestren, Al-Hikam, Madura

Kelompok khusus merupakan sekelompok masyarakat atau individu olehkarena keadaan fisik, mental, social, budaya dan ekonomi perlu mendapatkan bantuan, bimbingan dan pelayanan kesehatan dan asuhan keperawatan karena ketidakmampuan dan ketidaktahuan dalam memelihara kesehatan dan perawatan dirinya sendiri. Berdasarkan hasil observasi di RW 6 Karah banyak kelompok khusus yang menderita Hipertensi 12 orang (9 orang tidak mengkonsumsi obat hipertensinya secara rutin dan 3 orang sering mengalami kekambuhan), Diabetes Mellitus 15 orang (1 orang mempunyai luka gangren, 5 orang tidak mengkonsumsi obat antidiabetik), sedangkan dari hasil observasi diketahui anak –anak yang tinggal di RW 6 ini banyak yang jajan sembarangan dan hal ini dibiarkan oleh orang tuanya, dan dari laporan posyandu balita diketahui terjadi peningkatan kejadian ISPA tiap bulannya. Kegiatan pengabdian pada masyarakat ini dilakukan untuk meningkatkan pengetahuan dan penanganan tentang masalah kesehatan yang terjadi pada kelompok khusus dan demonstrasi intervensi keperawatannya. Metode yang dilakukan adalah dengan memberikan ceramah (edukasi kesehatan), diskusi dan tanya jawab tentang Hipertensi, Diabetes Mellitus dan ISPA serta memberikan demonstrasi mengenai fisioterapi, cuci tangan, gosok gigi dan pelaksanaan senam diabetes serta senam lansia. Hasil luaran dari kegiatan pengabdian kepada masyarakat ini adalah peserta (kelompok khusus) senang dan antusias dengan kegiatan pengabdian masayarakat ini. Jumlah peserta yang hadir dalam edukasi kesehatan ISPA dan cuci tangan ini 20 balita dengan orangtuanya sedangkan untuk senam lansia ada 18 orang sedangkan untuk pemeriksaan kesehatan ada 40 orang. Dari Hasil Pemeriksaan tekanan darah yang menunjukkan tekanan darah optimal sejumlah 4 orang (10%), normal 4 orang (10 %), normal tinggi 11 orang (27,55), hipertensi derajat 1 16 orang (40%) serta hipertensi derajat 2 sejumlah 5 orang (12,5%). dan laporan yang telah dipublikasikan di jurnal, peningkatan pengetahuan kelompok khusus sertadapat mendemonstrasikan fisioterapi dada, gosok gigi, cuci tangan serta senam. Pengabdian masyarakat diharapkan masyarakat dapat melakukan pencegahan dan penatalaksanaan pada dirinya dan atau anggota keluarganya ketika menderita diabetes mellitus, hipertensi dan ISPA